Home 1997

Archives

Million-Dollar Dweeb

0

This article originally appeared in our February 1997 issue.

Atlanta’s millionaire consumer guru Clark Howard never aimed to be a media star, much less the darling of the public and the object of beautiful women’s attentions. The bespectacled Howard is a self-described nerd, a dweeb, or as he expresses it, “a complete flake,” whose idea of a fun Saturday night is sitting at the computer searching for best buys.

His notion of a thrilling dinner is a Burger King Value Meal (a double cheeseburger, medium fries and a medium diet Coke for $3.17 including tax), which he’s perfectly content to eat twice a day until, finally, his wife puts her foot down. Or he’ll go for Shoney’s burger and salad combo, which gives a buyer a salad for just $1.49 versus ordering it separately for $3.99. “I mean, it kills me to spend too much,” he says. “Just kills me.”

His legend consists not of nightclub escapades, like so many celebrities, but of tales of exceptional frugality: How he’ll drive 10 miles out of his way just to save a penny a gallon on gasoline. How he works out at a fitness center at Piedmont Hospital because if he ever has a heart attack, he jokes, he won’t have to pay for an ambulance to take him to the emergency room. How he’s furnished his elegant Buckhead home with damaged and repossessed furniture. How his favorite place to shop is Sam’s Club, and he can’t fathom his wife’s fondness for malls.

Yet Atlanta’s consumer guru is far from scorned for his tightwad ways. He’s made himself a millionaire and a cult figure, a local celebrity besieged by fans when he ventures into a restaurant, recognized by radio listeners while honeymooning in Hawaii. Teens love him, travel agents quake at his pronouncements and beautiful women fawn over him.

His face is everywhere, in every important media outlet, as familiar as Ted Turner’s, as trusted as Monica Kaufman’s, as he admonishes Atlantans how to live and save and travel—with his consumer news on WSB-TV, travel tips and a daily three-hour consumer awareness show on WSB-AM, two travel columns and a consumer column in The Atlanta Journal-Constitution.

It hardly matters that he has none of the “sophisticated cool” expected of television newsreaders or that his lilting Southern drawl was never meant for radio. Who cares if his newspaper columns can be reminiscent of “How I Spent My Summer Vacation” essays? He tells Atlantans what they want to know.

His fans love bargains, but even more, they love Clark, and even more important, they trust him, He has an endearing Jimmy Stewart-like sincerity that makes it seem inconceivable that he could tell a lie or put on airs. Kim Curley, executive producer of his radio show, sums up his appeal this way: “People believe in Clark.”

It is minutes after 2 o-clock, and Atlanta’s consumer guru is in the WSB-AM studio gleefully relating to his nearly 300,000 listeners how he found gasoline over the weekend for 89.9 cents a gallon. To look at him is to know his joy is no put-on. He’s clad in a generic polo shirt (sans alligator), scuffed-up off-brand sneakers (why pay extra money for the privilege of wearing a company logo?) and nondescript white tennis shorts. For lunch he had a cheeseburger, and he teases his first caller by telling her that she must not be a “rock-gut cheap buyer like I am.”

But he grows serious as he listens to a phone call from a listener named Diane, who is explaining how she bought a used car and financed it through her credit union. She had checked and knew she had 21 days to get it registered and buy a tag. Simple enough, right? Until you throw into the equation the bank that held the original owner’s title. Diane waited two weeks for the bank to do the paperwork transferring the ownership. Then three weeks. Then four. Finally it arrived, about six weeks after the fact. And when Diane went to get her tag, she was hit with a $21 late fee.

Twenty-one dollars. No big deal to anyone. Except Diane. And, now, Clark Howard. “The first thing I want you to do is contact the director of the tag office, explain what happened and see if they will waive the late fee,” he tells her. His voice is soothing and compassionate: friend, not radio talk show host. “Try to reach them this afternoon and call me back to let me know what happened. Okay?”

Despite his soft tones, Howard’s dander is raised. He has received call after call to his radio show about the bank, problems arising out of its recent acquisitions. He has resolved to pound them on the air until they clean up their act—not only are customers encountering problems, but he thinks the bank’s attitude is rather cavalier. Without mentioning the bank’s name (he cautiously won’t name a company on the air unless he believes he’s really got them nailed), he talks about a previous caller who wanted to pay off her car loan, but no one could find the loan documents.

“Now we have Diane, who ends up a victim and a money loser,” he says, habitually emphasizing certain phrases in many of his sentences as a teacher might, “She was not even a customer of this giant monster bank, and she loses. The people at this giant, monster out-of-state bank say there’s no problem with this merger, that they just acquired assets. Then why are we getting all these phone calls from people who are having problems? Could it have something to do with the fact that the bank is also buying customers who are people?”

Howard hits a button and goes into a commercial break. Off the air he says one listener claimed to have actually reached the president of the corporation in Charlotte, who insisted there were no problems in Atlanta.

“Oh yeah?” the person retorted. “You must not be listening to Clark Howard.” The president was baffled. “Who’s Clark Howard?”

It’s a question he likely won’t ask twice.

Clark Howard, 41, may well be the best consumer advocate in the business and the most trusted figure within earshot of WSB.

His radio show receives so many calls that Howard convinced WSB to start a consumer action center to help the hundreds of people each week who couldn’t get through. The center opened in 1993 with a staff of one. Howard went on the air, asked for volunteers, and the center is now overrun with 120 loyal disciples who donate their time and field more than 2,000 distress calls a month from people victimized by everything from shady used-car salesmen to botched surgical procedures. And the calls come in from as far away as Taipei.

Howard’s top-level staff is a mostly female club, and they clearly mother him. “On one hand, he’s so savvy and so worldly,” says Beverly Molander, the center’s director for the past two years. “And then he’s so eggheaded and so naive; there’s really this innocent quality to him.”

Adds Kim Curley, “He loves to come in and make fun of himself: ‘I’m such a flake, I’m such a goof-off.’ It’s so cute.”

If you want to see him flustered, just ask Howard about his reputation for attracting some of the most desirable women in Atlanta prior to his marriage (his second; he has a daughter from a previous marriage) in October 1995. He starts to answer, then abruptly stops. His face turns crimson, and he looks terribly uncomfortable during a very long, 20-second pause. Then, finally: “Boy, I’d better be careful what I say.”

That’s followed by another pause. “Being single was a lot of fun,” he says, carefully measuring his words; at the same time, he seems ready to burst out into embarrassed laughter. “I did seem to meet a lot of wonderful women. I really had a great, great time. Some people think I’m nuts to have gotten married, but I’m nuts about the woman I did marry, and that’s what made me settle down.”

He met his wife, Lane—once immortalized in the pages of this magazine as “Boortz’s Babe”—when she worked for Howard’s colleague at WSB, archconservative Neal Boortz. “So often, people [in the media] have an attitude problem,” she says. “I was really taken aback by how genuine Clark was, and how friendly. We were friends, and then he asked me to go out to dinner, and we had a really good time. We went out again, and after that I was really smitten.”

She soon learned what others close to Howard already knew. “He’s exactly what you hear on the air,” says Kim Curley. “He’s a very polite Southern gentleman. There’s never been a moment when he acted differently.”

“The greatest thing about him is something his dad taught him,” says Lane Howard. “Always treat everyone as if they’re the most important person in the world. Treat them with respect. If we’re in a restaurant, and they have a name tag, he’ll always look them in the eye and call them by name. And it’s amazing how that makes people feel.”

Howard likes to joke that he must have been adopted or else dropped on his head at an early age—he’s an obsessive bargain hunter, but hardly a child of poverty. “I had a total silver spoon growing up,” he says. He was born in Atlanta, the baby in a family of four children, six years younger than his closest sibling and feeling much like an only child. His maternal grandfather founded the Lovable bra company, and his uncles later took it over, with his father in management. “I grew up Old South wealthy. I never had to make my bed. I never had to fix a meal. It was a very cushy life.”

A defining moment came during his freshman year in college—the company fell on hard times and his father lost his job. Howard worked his way through school in Washington, D.C., including a job in public housing and handling consumer complaints for the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development. He also set up a campus chapter of a consumer group affiliated with Ralph Nader. “I think his dad losing his job really affected him,” says Curley. “He understood that money doesn’t just appear, and it became a real goal for him to help people.”

Howard eventually returned to Atlanta with a master’s degree in business, and instead of finding a fast-track job with a major corporation, he went to work for Literacy Action. Three years later he left and opened a travel agency, because he loved to travel and it was a cheap business to start up. His goal was simple: make enough money to never again have to worry about financial distress.

The timing was perfect. The agency opened in late 1981 in the wake of airline industry deregulation; ticket prices had dropped and ridership was soaring. Within six years Howard owned five branch offices, and a group of investors from Ohio made him an offer he couldn’t refuse. He sold the agency and retired to a life of leisure at the ripe old age of 31.

“I never really intended to work again,” he says. “I was a complete bum. Went to Florida for a while, lived in a resort. Carne back to Atlanta, and I was swimming two miles a day and watching reruns on TV, and that was it. Completely out of the blue one day I got a call from a producer for WGST-Radio asking if I would be a guest on their travel show on Sunday. Three or four weeks later they had me back again. Then they asked if I would like to be a guest every Sunday.”

A few months later, in early 1988, Howard walked into the studio one afternoon and the host was missing. “Didn’t anybody tell you?” the newscaster said. “There’s been some cutbacks. You’re now hosting the show.” When WGST decided to begin a one-hour consumer call-in show, the station manager called him at home for advice. “Clark, I’m looking for somebody who can answer consumer questions like Clark Howard answers travel questions,” he said.

“Well,” Howard responded. “That would be me.”

By 1991 he had been lured away to competitor WSB and was on his way to becoming a cottage industry and a star.

Clark and Lane Howard were supposed to go to Greece for their honeymoon. And between his investments and real estate deals and sale of the travel agency, he’s set for life, with some pretty big bucks in his back pocket, enough to afford the trip of a lifetime.

And what does he do?

At the last minute he found a great deal to Hawaii, so they went there instead. And, of course, Howard shared the tip on his radio show and in his newspaper column. When the couple boarded their plane, they were besieged by grateful passengers who had bought their tickets on Howard’s advice.

During the honeymoon he and his wife made their way to a beach so out-of-the-way that the horizon was empty of people. They sat back and relaxed, enjoying the illusion that they were on an island all their own. Then they began to notice another couple making their way up the beach. The couple walked right up to them and greeted Howard as though they’d known him for years.

“We really like your show!” they said. “And thanks so much for the great price to get out here.”

He’s recognized everywhere he goes in Atlanta, and as soon as people spot him, it’s as though they begin lining up to ask his advice. “The biggest change I’ve made in my life is I love eating out, and we eat at home now, for privacy,” he says. “I don’t look at it as a bad thing that people want to ask questions. It means we’re doing well at what we do. But I love it when I travel, because nobody knows who I am.”

Lane Howard says with a laugh that she’s grown accustomed to what it takes to be her husband’s traveling companion: patience in bundles.

“The only criteria for our house was that it had to be within spitting distance of the highway, because Clark believes you have to be near the airport,” she says. “He has to be able to fly out at a moment’s notice. There’ve been times when he’s called me up and said, ‘We’re going to New York tonight; be ready in an hour.’ Not only do I have to keep something packed, but I’m only allowed to have a carry-on. I guess he hears so much of that on his show, luggage being lost or ruffled through. Can you imagine trying to get a week of skiing clothes into a carry-on? I’ll look like a refugee because I’ll have on, like, five layers when I get on the plane.”

Her husband also dislikes reservations, preferring to scout out hotels, looking for the best location and, of course, the best price. “In Italy we were rolling our little carry-ons down a cobblestone street, looking for a hotel,” she says. “And the most expensive place was the first place we went to. And he went, ‘No, no, we can’t afford that.’ It was something like $75. So we went to every other place in this little village. Nowhere else to stay. It’s now about 10 o’clock at night, and he’s so defeated: ‘I can’t believe we have to stay there.’”

Even at home he never breaks out of the mold. Before meeting Lane, he didn’t go to movies. He didn’t go to concerts or plays. If he’s not traveling, he’s sitting at the computer or studying the financial section of one of the four newspapers he reads each day. Or else he’s out shopping, engrossed in his perpetual search for the ultimate deal. Should he meet a stranger in the course of his business, his impulse is to reach out and confide to his new acquaintance just how to get a great deal.

For example, he asks his interviewer his shoe size.

“Good,” he’ll exclaim when he hears that it’s a 10 1/2. “If you ever have to have dress shoes, I’ve found the coolest thing.”

At such times he doesn’t so much speak as effuse, his voice filled with so much boyish enthusiasm that he’s almost breathless at the end of the sentence. “It’s a shoe store that sells Bass Weejuns. And I buy them for $34 a pair, because I’m buying them in the boys’ department instead of the men’s deportment, It’s a marketing thing. It’s still a men’s shoe, but kids’ feet have gotten so much bigger, they go up to size 11 in the boys’ department. So I buy all my dress-up shoes there.”

It’s just before 4:30 on the afternoon of Diane’s call about the problems with the big bank, and Clark Howard is in the last hour of his radio show, reading a promo for that evening’s Braves broadcast on WSB. About halfway through there is a sudden burst of laughter from an adjacent room, where Helen Lovern screens the dozens of calls Howard receives each afternoon. And sitting next to Howard, Kim Curley has her hand over her mouth, or else she’s going to start laughing, too.

Howard shoots them a look of feigned exasperation as he announces that the broadcast will be sponsored by NationsBank, the very bank that he has spent the earlier part of the show lambasting.

Minutes later the irony just gets richer. Lovern walks into the studio during a commercial break to tell him that Diane is back on the line. Earlier, Howard had encouraged her to contact the tag office and ask them to waive the late penalty because the bank, in fact, had been tardy. She’s calling with the news that they won’t refund the money. With that, Howard takes his cue and for the first time names NationsBank on air, mounting a full offensive, even though the target just happens to be a WSB sponsor that he promoted only five minutes earlier.

He doesn’t worry—he has a clause in his contract stipulating no sacred cows, WSB advertiser or not. “Now, Diane, what I think you have a perfect light to do is to march in a NationsBank branch and get $21 out of those people,” he says.

Then he smiles.

“Now, the year that you’re able to get that out of this big, giant bank, I will be interested in healing. You are just another piece of collateral damage from another monster bank gobbling up another of our local institutions. I feel bad for people who suffer from these mergers and the banks say, ‘Well, there’s just going to be some casualties along the way.'”

It’s a glimpse at the other side of Clark Howard, one that’s far removed from the flake. It’s the side that’s incredibly savvy and strongly principled and, most of all, compassionate, He cares. It’s genuine. It matters to him that Diane is out $21 through no fault of her own. And it’s the final ingredient of his success.

“When I don’t have that compassion anymore, I’ll have to go,” he says later. “Eventually it’ll be squeezed out of me, and I’ll know when that is—the person whose situation I’m really concerned about today, the time will come when I’ll hear that same thing, and I’ll shrug. That’s when I’ll know I’m done.”

Presumed Guilty

0

This article originally appeared in our December 1996 issue.

Overzealous.

That adjective haunted Richard Jewell long before he became known as the FBI’s leading suspect in the Centennial Olympic Park bombing on July 27, 1996.

Even as a kid Jewell seemed driven by some deep-seated need to always do more than he was asked.

Take the instance at Towers High School, in Dekalb County. One morning he spied a new teacher walking across the parking lot, struggling to carry two cardboard boxes full of books. He went bouncing across the lawn and walked up to the social studies instructor with a smile on his face. “Can I help you, sir?” he asked, grabbing one of the boxes and leading Richard Muska to his classroom.

Unlike many of the other students, Richard would come to Muska’s room between classes and pal around, telling stories and jokes. His friendliness didn’t strike Muska as calculating. Above all, he believed Richard was genuine — a good kid, always willing to help.

But by the time he became a cop, 11 years later, it was Jewell’s zeal to please that often became his betrayer.

Like the time he was moonlighting as a security officer at a DeKalb County apartment complex and went to break up a late-night party at a hot tub. He could have called the cops and waited for them, but instead, he went to break it up himself and wound up getting arrested for impersonating a police officer.

Or the time he was deputy sheriff in Habersham County and, he would later say, noticed a car pulling out from behind a building. It looked suspicious, so he took off after and wound up crashing his patrol car. Not only that, but the sheriff was skeptical of this story and busted him down to guard duty in the county jail. Instead, he quit the force.

Then there’s the time he was working security for Piedmont College. It didn’t take him long to aggravate the college brass, issuing tickets off-campus on the main highway and writing long, detailed reports on seemingly minor incidents and suggesting undercover investigations. They wound up asking for his resignation.

Then he landed a job as a security guard in the AT&T Global Village, in Centennial Olympic Park. Beneath a bench, yards away from the entrance to the light and sound tower where he was stationed, he spotted a knapsack that contained a bomb. It exploded, killing a woman and injuring 111; but without Jewell’s discovery the numbers could have been staggering. For three days Jewell was the toast of Atlanta, of the country, even the world.

For a moment it seemed that Richard Jewell’s zeal had finally served him right. Then, in the blink of an eye, everything went wrong. The blaring headline on Tuesday, July 30, 1996, said it all: FBI SUSPECTS ‘HERO’ GUARD MAY HAVE PLANTED BOMB.

 

Before the Olympic bombing made his name a household word, Richard Allensworth Jewell had lived about as anonymous a life as possible. “Unremarkable,” is the way Habersham County Attorney Robb Kiker describes Jewell’s five-year tenure as a deputy sheriff in that county. “In fact, when this happened, I had to think for five minutes just to bring to mind which officer he was,” says Kiker.

Jewell, 33, was born in Danville, Va. But little is known of his time there. Reporters for the Danville Register & Bee combed through old telephone books and city directories looking for listings of the Jewell family. They checked other likely sources; tax records, marriage records, death records, the real estate register. Nothing.

A spokesman for the schools could not confirm if Jewell was ever a student. Records at Dan River — the city’s largest employer — didn’t show that anyone by the name of Jewell had ever worked at the mill during the 1960s, the time the family presumably lived there. In a story headlines SUSPECT’S LINK TO DANVILLE STILL A MYSTERY, the reporters for the Register mused, “Did Richard Jewell ever sleep here?”

The lack of information didn’t stop the media frenzy. The Danville mayor held a press conference and answered such questions as whether the city could “live down the infamy” if Jewell were charged for the bombing. “…If the man left Danville at age 6, we could not be accused of having nurtured him,” the mayor responded.

An only child, Jewell has “basically been separated form his father for a number of years,” according to Jack Martin, Jewell’s defense lawyer. He is very close to his mother, and moved with her to Atlanta when he was 6. She works for Sedgwick James of Georgia insurance company, where she was recently the firm’s employee of the year.

Jewell went to Towers High School, in Dekalb County, and was one of those quiet students that few seem to notice or remember. In the 1982 school annual, Jewell’s senior year, he is mentioned in neither the class prophecy nor the senior directory. In fact, some of his high school classmates and teachers didn’t even realize they had gone to school with “that Richard Jewell” until a reporter contacted them.

But for his former teacher, Richard Muska, Jewell did stand out. “He was a shining star,” says Muska. “He was always a kid willing to help, and in the late 1970s that was very peculiar.

“He was a kid who didn’t get involved in the negative things. He was very upset at anything that was disorderly around the school. At the time, there was racial tension, and there were flare-ups. And he’d come in my room and he’d shake his head and say, ‘That’s not right,’ and we’d talk about it. He was a good kid, and back in that time there were darned few good kids.”

Jewell was not a complicated person. “He was never devious in any way,” says Muska. “If anybody was going to grow up to be a good old boy, it was Richard. I say that as a compliment to Southerners. This kid was a product of the rural South living on the edge of the big city.”

Jewell graduated from Towers High in 1982 and worked in a variety of jobs, including as a supply room clerk for the U.S. Small Business Administration. It was there he met Watson Bryant, who was then a lawyer at the agency. They became quick friends, rendezvousing nearly every afternoon during their lunch break int he arcade at the CNN Center, manning video destroyers and waging battle with alien ships.

Jewell’s nickname was “Radar.” Bryant says he was that efficient at his job — that prescient, that willing to make the extra effort, just like his namesake, Radar O’Reilly, from MASH.” Richard has always done the best he could at whatever the assigned task was, and he usually did it better than everybody wanted him to do it,” says Bryant, who now serves as Jewell’s lawyer.

He was quickly promote to supervisor of the supply room and the mail room. Working in the division that specialized in making disaster loans across the Southeast and Midwest, Jewell would often have to get a supply truck ready at a moment’s notice to go to a field office. “Here comes Radar,” his boss would say. “This is what I need, Radar.” And no matter how obscure an item, Richard Jewell would find it.

 

Being a cop was always an ambition for Jewell, and in 1990 he landed a job in Habersham County as a jailer, the entry-level position in the sheriff’s department. His eagerness to please had served him well as a supply clerk. But once he began working in law enforcement, it began to lead him to trouble.

At the same time he went to work with the sheriff’s department, Jewell also moonlighted as a security guard at the DeKalb County apartment complex where he lived.

Early in the morning on May 26, 1990, he received complaints about rowdiness at a hot tub in the complex. Jewell armed himself with a 9 mm handgun, picked up his handcuffs, and went to investigate. When he found the two people responsible, he identified himself as a Habersham County deputy sheriff and placed a 22-year old man under arrest for public drunkenness and creating an offensive condition.

In the process, he got into a scuffle with the suspect, who, in the words of the prosecutor in the case, “was beaten up by Mr. Jewell, not seriously enough to require medical treatment.” More troubling, Jewell was not even a certified officer; he was just a jailer with no power to arrest anyone. Instead, he was arrested himself by DeKalb County Police for impersonating a police officer.

Watson Bryant now calls it a misunderstanding. “The guy attacked Richard, and he had to put him on the ground and sit on him,” says Bryant. “Richard was wearing a hat that said he was a deputy sheriff in Habersham County; he was a deputy sheriff, assigned to the jail. He called the police, and for whatever reason, he and the DeKalb cop didn’t get along — the guy’s got to show Richard who’s in charge and charges him with impersonating an officer for doing his job as a security guard.”

Over 70 residents of the apartment complex signed a letter in support of Jewell, according to a court transcript, and his lawyer told the court that his client was only trying to be a “very zealous protector” of the people living there. “I think the police felt like he was being overzealous,” the lawyer said, using the adjective that has come to haunt Jewell in his law enforcement career.

The prosecutor, Elisabeth MacNamara, found the incident disturbing enough to suggest that Jewell was overzealous to the point he might be off-balance. “The primary concern, as I gathered from everyone involved in this case, is that Mr. Jewell may need to be evaluate for some form of mental health treatment,” she told the court.

Jewell pleaded guilty to the reduced charge of disorderly conduct. He was placed on probation and ordered to undergo a psychological evaluation.

In part because the charge was dropped from felony to misdemeanor, he was able to keep his position as a jailor in Habersham County and months later be promoted to a full-fledged deputy sheriff. “He’d work 12-hour shifts, go home, shower, then come back to work and ride with a day deputy,” former deputy Randy Bowden told Newsweek.

Then, in 1995, Jewell crashed his county cruiser while, he claimed, giving chase to a suspicious vehicle. When the sheriff doubted his account of the accident and demoted him back to jailer, Jewell resigned.

From there he took a job working security at Piedmont College, in Demorest. College officials later told reporters that Jewell was overzealous, writing long and detailed reports on minor incidents and issuing traffic tickets on the main highway, well beyond the campus boundary. In an Aug. 1 story in The Atlanta Journal Constitution headlined A BAD MAN TO CROSS ON HIS BEAT, students were also quoted as saying that Jewell went to extremes.

“He was very macho, and he could get very belligerent,” Piedmont College junior Nikki Lane said. “I’ve seen him go from calm to angry, back to calm and back to angry in a matter of seconds.”

Jewell told 60 Minutes that the college’s aggravation with him stemmed from their fear that his penchant for making drug and drunk-driving arrests would bring the college unfavorable publicity in the local paper.

Both sides agree that Jewell was asked to resign.

He quickly landed a job working security at Centennial Olympic Park for the Olympic Games. At about the same time he was hired, two members of a right-wing group were arrested in Crawford County and charged with making bombs. Rumors, which later turned out false, turned up in the press that the bombs were intended for the Olympic Games.

“If anything happens during the Olympics,” Jewell allegedly remarked to friends, “I want to be in the middle of it.”

It became a prophetic statement and, in the eyes of the media and the FBI, one that grew to have sinister implications.

 

The two feds sank to their knees, flicked on flashlights and dipped under the bench toward the knapsack. Ten feet away, closely watching, was Richard Jewell, along with his supervisor, Bob Ahring, a GBI agent named Tom Davis, who was also working security in Centennial Park, and an AT&T corporate security officer.

Jewell told Ahring (who recounted this chronology to Atlanta magazine) that his attention has been drawn by a group of four kids who ere drinking while gathered at a bench near the light and sound tower where he was stationed. They looked underage, and, Jewell ad told his supervisor, he had flagged down Davis (who declined to be interviewed for this story), and they had walked toward the bench to investigate.

The kids got up to leave, Jewell explained to Ahring, and that’s when he spotted the knapsack sitting underneath the bench, next to a fence; Jewell said he and Davis called out to the kids to ask if they had forgotten their bag. He explained that the kids said it didn’t belong to them and seemed to quicken their pace before disappearing into the crowd.

By all accounts, Jewell and Davis didn’t go to see what was inside the knapsack or find out whether it had a name tag — you didn’t toy with packages that didn’t seem to have an owner. Instead, Jewell had radioed Ahring, an assistant chief of police form Blue Springs,Mo., who supervised the 36-member night shift security force, while Davis had called Centennial Park’s bomb squad.

Now one of the bomb experts was reaching out to the knapsack. He very carefully opened a flap, focused his flashlight and then leaned forward to peer inside. For a moment he simply froze. Then, almost simultaneously, both feds scrambled backward, out from under the bench and away from the knapsack. They stood up and didn’t even take the time to turn around they just kept going backward. Up to where Jewell, Ahring, Davis, and the other man were waiting. And then on past them.

The four men understood immediately: This is real. This is a bomb.

Ahring caught up with one of the feds. “What have we got?”

“It’s big,” he replied, obviously shaken.

“How big?”

“Real big,” the fed said as he pulled out a cell phone.

“Do we need to evacuate?” Ahring asked.

The fed vigorously nodded his head as he dialed a number.

It was close to 1:10 a. m., July 27, 1996. About 10 minutes left.

They moved quickly the moments before the blast. The first thing Ahring did was send Jewell to the light and sound tower with orders to evacuate everyone. Meanwhile, Tom Davis radioed his command post for state troopers to help move people away from the tower. There was a crowd on the grass directly in front of the knapsack; Davis and Ahring went there first.

“We’ve got a suspicious package back by the tower,” Ahring told people, “We’re trying to isolate it, Would you please step away from this area?” He purposefully didn’t mention the word bomb; the last thing they needed was a panic, Fortunately, everybody cooperated and began moving back.

Jewell hustled 11 people out of the light and sound tower, literally pushing some of them out. Then he went outside to help the others evacuate the crowd, He kept telling them to get back. Move away from the area, please. But many of them refused, stubbornly staying at the benches near the tower.

When the bomb exploded, Bob Ahring was just 10 yards away. The concussion knocked him forward six feet and sent him sprawling on the ground. There was smoke everywhere. And the smell of gunpowder. But what Bob Ahring will remember most is the sound. Then there was a sudden deathly quiet throughout the park: And he could hear the whistle of shrapnel whizzing away from the light and sound tower through the air toward the crowd.

It was the eeriest thing he’d ever heard in his life.

Ahring could see two civilians down just in front of him. He looked back over his shoulder. He saw several state troopers down on the other side of the tower. More civilians,too. And in the minutes following the blast, Ahring saw Richard Jewell tending to the fallen.

 

In the aftermath, Jewell became a celebrated hero. He was on CNN. On the Today show, USA Today interviewed him. He came across as shy and polite to a fault, punctuating most sentences with “Yes, sir,” or “Yes, ma’am.”

Four days later the world turned inside out, and he became the focus of the FBI investigation. For the media it was too sexy to resist: Hero turns suspect.

When the Atlanta Journal broke the story late that following Tuesday afternoon, it set off an avalanche of attention. Under the hypothetical FBI scenario, Jewell had planted the knapsack and then rushed to a bank of pay phones a couple of blocks away from Centennial Olympic Park and placed a 911 call to warn police of the bomb. He then raced back to the light and sound tower, “discovered” the bomb and heroically moved people out of harm’s way.

The media quickly all but pronounced him guilty.

“Richard Jewell, 33, a former law enforcement officer, fits the profile of the lone bomber,” wrote Kathy Scruggs and Ron Martz in the second paragraph of a story in an “Extra” edition of The Atlanta Journal on July 30, 1996. “This profile generally includes a frustrated white man who is a former police officer, member of the military or police ‘wanna-be’ who seeks to become a hero.

“Jewell has become a celebrity in the wake of the bombing, making an appearance this morning at the reopened park with Katie Couric on the Today show. He also has approached newspapers, including The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, seeking publicity for his actions.”

NBC’s Tom Brokaw told viewers, “The speculation is that the FBI is close to ‘making the case,’ in their language. They probably have enough to arrest him right now, probably enough to prosecute him, but you always want to have enough to convict him as well. There are still some holes in this case.”

 

The FBI spent most of Wednesday, Aug. 1, combing through the apartment of Jewell’s mother, where he was staying during the Olympics, They rifled through Barbara Jewell’s undergarments and carted out box after box of potential evidence, including her set of Tupperware and 22 Walt Disney tapes. Jewell sat on the steps outside his apartment in humiliation and in full view of the phalanx of media encamped in the parking lot of the Buford Highway apartment complex.

AJC columnist Dave Kindred, in his second column on Jewell in two days,compared the scene to the time law enforcement officers sought evidence against Wayne Williams, the man convicted of two murders in Atlanta’s missing children case when “federal agents came to this town to deal with another suspect who lived with his mother. Like this one, that suspect was drawn to the blue lights and sirens of police work. Like this one, he became famous in the aftermath of murder.”

Kindred later offered a spirited defense of his column, saying he was comparing scenes, not characters. «The column was a comparison of the media frenzy more than it was a comparison of Richard Jewell and Wayne Williams,” he says. “Also, I quoted a neighbor in the column, saying Jewell is a good fellow,and I said the FBI has done this before and come up empty.”

Meanwhile, Jewell’s past was quickly put under a microscope; Jewell was villainized and vilified. Even Jay Leno joked about him on The Tonight Show, calling him the “Una-doofus.”

Then, as the weeks passed with no arrest, a debate ignited within the journalistic community. Had everyone overreacted? Had the FBI used them to put pressure on their main suspect in the hope of breaking him into a confession? Should they have more vigorously challenged the FBI to produce evidence before trumpeting Jewell’s name and his past? Many thought the answers were all yes.

“I think the media’s performance has been downright embarrassing,” says Howard Kurtz, a media critic for The Washington Post. “Every news organization in the country has contributed to ruining this guy’s life without the faintest idea of whether he’s guilty or innocent.”

At particular issue was the original Atlanta Journal article printed in the “Extra” edition, with the big, bold headline on Page 1, FBI SUSPECTS ‘HERO’ GUARD MAY HAVE PLANTED BOMB. The article contained no attribution and quoted no sources, leaving the reader to wonder whether the claims came from a legitimate law enforcement official or from a proclamation of God.

“I find it appalling, quite frankly, at how quickly everybody leapt to finger this guy,” says David Shaw, the media writer at the Los Angeles Times. “To write about it in the context of a larger story about the explosion, down in the sixth or eighth paragraph —that’s one thing. But to bring out a special edition and start leading your newscast and putting out Page 1 stories on it — that’s over the top.”

Earl Casey, CNN’s domestic managing editor, defends the overall coverage. CNN quickly followed the AJC in naming Jewell as a suspect, and Casey says remembering the context of the event is important. A TWA jet had just crashed near Long Island, and a bomb was suspected. There was an extreme fear of terrorism at the Olympic Games. The international media was gathered in Atlanta. Then the bomb exploded in the park intended as the center of the Olympic celebration.

And by that point Jewell was already famous. “Had this been some anonymous bloke, would his name have emerged? Maybe not,” says Casey. “Maybe the stories that day would have read that law enforcement are considering a security guard without the identity. But I think it’s difficult for journalists at a distance or on the academic level to really make value judgments on this thing. They’re often right in theory,but when you get down to the application, something in that theory falls apart.”

 

The same could be said for the initial FBI theories about Jewell’s role in the bombing.

The FBI’s Jewell-as-the-lone-bomber theory was quickly shattered when it proved impossible for him to have made the 911 bomb threat from a bank of pay phones two blocks away from Centennial Olympic Park, an estimated five- to eight-minute walk The 911 call was placed at 12:58 a.m., at 12:57 Jewell was standing in front of the light and sound tower with Tom Davis as Davis radioed for the bomb squad. And Jewell stayed in the area in front of dozens of witnesses until the bomb went off.

In addition, the voice of the 911 caller was described as a white male with no discernible accent. Anyone who heard Jewell speak immediately noticed his slow Southern drawl. And although the AJC had breathlessly stated that Jewell approached the paper seeking publicity, it turns out he didn’t.

CNN was the first to interview Jewell in the aftermath of the bombing, and Earl Casey says it took them “20 or 30 calls and a lot of shoe leather” to secure the interview with him. Because Jewell worked for a security company subcontracted through AT&T, a media relations specialist for AT&T named Bryant Steele eventually began fielding the requests Jewell was receiving for interviews.

Steele spent the Sunday afternoon after the bombing with Jewell. The security guard didn’t seem especially giddy that he was going to be on CNN and the Today show; as much as anything else, he seemed dutiful about it. When Steele told him that USA Today also wanted to talk to him, Jewell quietly replied, “Yes,sir, that’ll be fine.”

Steele says he decided to contact the AJC as a courtesy to the local paper, to let them know Jewell was available if they wanted to interview him, and Jewell’s lawyers say that Jewell himself never called the paper. That contention was eventually and went unchallenged by the editors.

Kathy Scruggs declined comment on her coverage of Jewell; citing a gag order imposed by her editors. Ron Martin, the AJC‘s editor, declined to be interviewed for this story, saying the paper expects to be the target of a libel suit from Jewell. “Everything we have to say, we’re putting in the newspaper,” he said. In a statement prepared for 60 Minutes in September and provided to Atlanta magazine, Martin wrote, “Our reporters have done an excellent job of reporting fairly, fully and accurately everything we can learn about the bombing and how the investigation is progressing. We stand proudly behind our coverage.” In mid-October the Sunday AJC reprinted an article from American Journalism Review that took a critical look at the Jewell coverage.

 

The telephone rang in Ahring’s hotel room the Tuesday afternoon after the bombing. Centennial Olympic Park had been closed while federal investigators combed for clues;it had reopened that morning.”Yes, sir, it’s Richard Jewell. I’d heard you were hurt and wanted to know if you were all right,” he asked his supervisor, who recalled the conversation for Atlanta Magazine.

Ahring hadn’t even noticed until later that he had taken shrapnel hits on the left shoulder and in the lower left leg. “I’m fine,” he told Jewell. ‘”Are you okay?’

“I’m fine, sir,”Jewell responded.

By then Jewell’s role in discovering the bomb was well known; just that morning he’d been on the Today show with Katie Couric. But now Jewell was eager to get back to work. The two men chatted for a few minutes, and as they were about to hang up, Jewell told Ahring, ‘”I’ll see you at work this evening, sir.”

By 6 o’clock, when he was supposed to be reporting to work, Jewell was at the FBI offices. The agents told him they wanted his help; they were going to make a training film on bomb scare response techniques. Jewell believed them. Only when the news reports put Jewell on notice that he was a suspect, The New York Times subsequently reported, did the FBI decide to advise him of his rights,

 

While it is always convenient to bash the media, it was, after all, the FBI that targeted Jewell and then whispered his name to reporters calling in from all over the country.

The FBI continued to count Jewell as a suspect into October. He lived under virtual house arrest, followed by an almost comical convoy of undercover federal officers that trailed him wherever he went. Jewell’s lawyers demanded that the FBI either charge him or else clear him and apologize.

“My gut reaction, based on 47 years of lawyering, tells me the case against Jewell is total bullshit,” Summerville defense lawyer Bobby Lee Cook said early in the investigation. “The FBI is caught up in psychological profiles and decided he fit and jumped on him.”

For Jack Martin, the lesson to be learned is that the news media has to be more skeptical of what law enforcement tells them, “It didn’t take me long to find out that it was impossible for him to make the 911 call,”he says, “Didn’t take me long to find out that this man has friends and is gregarious and isn’t a loner like the profile,”

Jewell’s lawyers are preparing a bevy of lawsuits, targeting everyone from the AJC to NBC’s Tom Brokaw. “I can almost assure you The Atlanta Journal-Constitution will be sued by December,” said Watson Bryant as autumn approached, ‘We want to give them a Christmas present. I’d love to do for their reputation what they did to Richard’s. Because they damned well deserve it.”

Some think it is doubtful Jewell can ever win a lawsuit against the FBI, even if he’s never charged. “He’ll be thrown out [of court],” says Cook “I might be jumping the gun, but I think there is a moral to this: The FBI and federal agencies can set out recklessly to ruin someone and effectively do it, and there’s really not an adequate cause of action to put your name and your character back into place. I see that as a very frightening thing.”

For Richard Muska, who now teaches at Chamblee High School, the rush to judgment is forcing a reassessment of his own beliefs about the American system and how he presents it to his students, When he first saw the headlines, he told himself, “No, not this kid,” He wrote a letter of protest to both the AJC and the FBI.

“I was the civics teacher,” Muska says. “I’m the guy that got up in front of the class and said, ‘This is the best country in the world, where you get justice and freedom,’ And to see this happen to Richard — he’s obviously been singled out and made a scapegoat for a government agency that couldn’t do their job right — that really hurts.”

 

On a Saturday afternoon in late October, almost three months to the day of the Centennial Olympic Park bombing, U.S. Attorney Kent Alexander met Jack Martin at a Virginia-Highland coffee shop and handed over a letter that flatly stated Richard Jewell was no longer a target of the FBI investigation. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution printed seven stories in its following day’s edition, dissecting everything about the case except its own role in starting the media lynching of the hero turned suspect.

One day later, on October 28, Richard Jewell made perhaps his last run through the media gauntlet when he walked with his lawyers into a roomful of reporters gathered at a hotel conference room in north Atlanta. “The public trial in the media of Richard Jewell is over, and the verdict is not guilty,” said Lin Wood, a lawyer who will handle the civil suits Jewell intends to file.

“We’re glad the emperor has finally admitted he has no clothes,” added Watson Bryant. When asked if he was disappointed the FBI had offered no apology, Bryant paused and smiled ruefully. “They don’t have the guts to apologize,” he responded. “And that is a sad situation when they can’t say, ‘We’re sorry.’ There was not one bit of evidence, and look at what they did to him. It’s unbelievable. This investigation was like a freight train; once it got started, it wouldn’t stop.”

Moments later, dressed in slacks and a cream-colored dress shirt with blue stripes, Jewell stood up and at last addressed the very same cameras that had stalked him for three months. “This is the first time I have ever asked you to turn the cameras on me,” he said. “You know my name, but you do not really know who I am…. For 88 days I lived a nightmare…. I felt like a hunted animal followed constantly, waiting to be killed…. In their mad rush to fulfill their own personal agendas, the FBI and the media almost destroyed me and my mother. … The media said I was an overzealous officer. That was a lie. I always performed my job to the best of my ability and gave 110 percent. That’s not being overzealous. That’s being dedicated…. I am going to try to re-enter law enforcement…. I love helping people. That’s what I do, that’s what I have done, and that’s what I want to continue to do in the future.”

Before he concluded, Richard Jewell put down his prepared statement. He paused for a moment and then looked directly at the cameras. His voice turned strong, as though it was resonating for the very first time.

“I am an innocent man,” he said.

This article originally appeared in our December 1996 issue.

How Gone with the Wind Burned Atlanta

0

When the world comes to Atlanta for the 1996 Olympics, it will be looking for Scarlett O’Hara and Rhett Butler — not for the animated airbrush named Izzy the city has chosen for its mascot. This is because Atlanta has for so long so successfully defined itself by Margaret Mitchell’s novel Gone With the Wind

Scarlett and Rhett would seem a public relations natural; so why aren’t they Atlanta’s Olympic mascots? Why aren’t they fronting Atlanta’s party for the world? 

It’s no large mystery. It’s more like an ill-kept family secret. The city knows that its twin icons have character defects which, if they were closely scrutinized, would be embarrassing. The book in which they live and on which the city thrives is less than it might seem. It is, in fact, a propaganda tract for a sort of regional xenophobia.

So Atlanta is keeping Rhett, and Scarlett in the background, like two dotty cousins with strange tastes in clothes and fantasies of living in another, grander time when people knew their “places.” They are merely to be enjoyed for their novelty. Their images will be sold on trinkets as souvenirs of the city but not of the Olympics. 

But what becomes of Scarlet and Rhett when the visitors leave? Do we allow them out of the kitchen and back into the parlor? Do they resume their former places of importance? It may be the most important decision Atlanta has had to make since it sent its mayor out on horseback to surrender the town to Gen. Sherman, bearing a note urging moderation with matches. As we know, such gestures do not always work. It would be most tempting, when the world has gone home, to return to living by the book that has been so commercially useful. 

There are indications the city would like it known that it’s ready to deal with the reality of the book and its image (or that it has dealt with it and no one need go further). The Atlanta History Center has devoted space to the myth and the reality of Gone With the Wind. But the display seems to make a case that the disparities between the fiction and the fact are inconsequential. I can hardly blame the center for its timidity. Any criticism of the book brings an outcry from its hostile audience of adoring readers.

Why, they ask, do you want to pick on this book? So what if it is sentimental? Why don’t you just leave it alone? It isn’t doing anyone any harm. Ah, but it does great harm. But the harm of Gone With the Wind tends to be invisible to its defenders.

Gone With the Wind paints a simplistic and one-sided picture of a culture that does not wish to look any more closely at itself. The book was, in a way, created by that culture and, once written and popularized, came to “stand for” it and to “complete” it. Creativity, which might have prospered on such rich material as Atlanta afforded, stalled instead. The book locked the culture into a regional bias. Each time that bias is nudged by uncontrolled forces, such as the civil rights movement, the culture has had to update its self-image to accommodate the new situation, each time through an “extension” of the book into new versions of itself, new self-describing arts of other sorts. The book, through this process, continues to do harm – to repress honest self-appraisal by a city and its people, and to dampen creativity by its writers.

The central myth of Mitchell’s story may be summed up as follows: Once there was an Edenlike organic society in the South. It wasn’t doing anyone any harm (not even the race of people it enslaved), but it was attacked by less refined beings from harsher climes who were jealous of its pastoral existence. The peaceful Southern people were forced to become warlike and protect their way of life. Once they did, they proved to be the better soldiers, braver, hardier, more daring, more resourceful than the enemy. The invaders, however, not respecting chivalry, used unscrupulous tactics, overwhelming numbers and the wealth of their rusting, mechanized society to outlast the South and, finally, fight it to a draw, at which time the leaders of the South, not wishing their land to be raped further, gave in. There followed years of outrage and indignity that only served to make the Southern people stronger, and soon, with their superior intellects and wills, they were back in control again. In fact, they were soon back to their old ways, with only minor adjustments for new legalities. And everyone recognized that all the South had ever wanted was to be left alone, and that Southerners had never done anyone any harm. 

It is never easy or pleasant to attack someone’s most cherished delusions. And so the book, with its myth, has found adoring audiences throughout the world, virtually unresisted by criticism, even praised for its lack of pretensions to literary status. Overlooked is the fact this much-beloved novel is marred by easy, simplistic regionalism; anti-black bias; sentimentality; and shallow characters operating in shallow history.

Regionalism

Patriotism, as Samuel Johnson said, is the last refuge of scoundrels. In literature It IS the first refuge of a small talent. Regionalism is a form of patriotism, with all its logic-numbing doting on one’s “place,” all its insistence upon the rightness of one’s national policy, one’s family, one’s religion. Regionalism crowds out deeper insights and substitutes for them its own easy understanding. It is death to art. 

Gone With the Wind is virtually all regionalism, and it is an artless, chamber of commerce version of history. The information put out by a chamber of commerce may be harmless boosterism, but it remains propaganda nonetheless. Gone With the Wind is, in a sense, a propaganda tract from the 19th century South. It was not written then, of course, and yet it was. Southern newspapers of the day contained all the same sentiments as those found in Mitchell’s book: One Southern soldier could lick 10 Yankees; black men had an insatiable lust for white women; the Klan served a useful purpose; the South would rise again.

Mitchell began her career on the staff of the Atlanta Journal Sunday magazine, writing about local debutantes and visiting celebrities. She quit the paper to write full time of headier stuff – of a willful, spoiled girl who survives the catastrophes of war and unrequited love, and of a “nation” on its knees but rising valiantly. These were tales of brave men and nervy women, like the flapper she styled herself to be; of a heroine who naturally flaunted her sexuality and used it in a way that Mitchell never was able. The South of Mitchell’s day, in the 1920s and 1930s, was busy proving correct all the dire predictions of its ancestors, holding on to those values while enduring the barbs of critics such as H.L. Mencken and his imitators. Her brother said later, Gone With the Wind “struck a blow for her Southland.” 

Anti-Black Bias

It may surprise no one that the novel does not reflect the “enlightened” sensibilities towards race that Atlantans now supposedly pride themselves upon. We cannot say with certainty that had we lived in Scarlett’s time, we would have seen the humanity behind the black face, would have shunned chattel slavery, would have treated all people equally regardless of color. But a writer without an agenda might have been expected to recognize the inherent artistic and dramatic value in the figure of the freed slave. Some did. William Faulkner, writing at the same time as Mitchell, developed complex characters of the white, black, red and mingled races, made all the richer for their interactions, and never once portrayed beyond the believable bounds of everyday life in Mississippi.

Mitchell, it would seem, just didn’t know enough of such things to write about them. Her view of the black race was the standard white Southern one, without the saving grace of the artist’s insight. She was taught and taught well by her family and her culture. She was 5 when the Atlanta race riots of 1906 occurred. According to a biographer, she recalled many years later, “They fought all day just a block behind our house.” She did not mention, perhaps did not know, that it was more a massacre of blacks by whites than a battle, and that acts of butchery by whites were common. On Peachtree Street mobs of whites chased down blacks and clubbed them.

The corpses of three black victims were laid at the foot of Henry Grady’s monument in front of the offices of the Atlanta Constitution. Rumors circulated that Negro mobs planned to burn the town and cut the water pipes. Margaret and her father stood guard at the front of their house, he with an ax and a water key, she with a sword borrowed from a neighbor. The state militia was called out and soldiers camped in Margaret’s front yard. 

Later, when she was 17, Margaret refused to sit in a Smith College classroom with a black student. When her teacher accused her of racism, she accused the teacher of hypocrisy and asked her if she “had ever undressed and nursed a Negro woman or sat on a drunk Negro man’s head to keep him from being shot by the police.” 

Scarlett’s relationship with Mammy, her faithful black nurse, exhibits the “maternalistic” relationship that Mitchell came early to idealize and to use to justify her view of blacks. In times of stress and trouble Scarlett thinks of Mammy’s comforting breast and hands. Yet the main feature of Mammy is that she “knows her place.” She snorts at “uppity niggers” and makes fun of freedmen who have the idea they can be as good as whites. She takes care of her grown-up little mistress, who in turn takes care of her. It is the romanticized, ideal Southern black-white relationship. And it is patently shallow and false. It is written to remind the scornful Northern critics of the 1930s that they have no idea what such a relationship entails. Still, not all Georgia writers of the time toed the chamber of commerce line. Lillian Smith, who lived in Clayton, in the north Georgia mountains, had a firmer grip on reality and wrote of it in her non-fiction Killers of the Dream with a concise, cutting eloquence that gets to its honest point without romanticizing the pain it detects: “Of all the humiliating experiences which Southern white women have endured, the least easy to accept, I think, was that of a mother who had no choice but to take the husk of a love which her son in his earliest years had given to another woman. She valiantly made jokes about it, telling her friends that her child preferred Mammy to her and that was fine …. ‘I don’t know how I could have done without her,’ she would say and laugh a light, tinkling laugh which sounded like little glass bells about to break into splinters.”

Mitchell writes disapprovingly of the freed slaves cluttering Atlanta’s sidewalks. She and Mammy walk through them, barely restraining themselves from pushing them out of the way. Smith wrote honestly of her upbringing in the South. Her mother, ” … who taught me what I know of tenderness and love and compassion, taught me also the bleak rituals of keeping Negroes in their ‘place.’ ” She remembers, as a little girl with her white friends, encountering a group of black children on the sidewalk. They exchange taunts: Chocolate drop! Cracker! ” … Sudden strange struggle. Hot feelings pouring over you, driving you to push hard against wiry dark quick breathing little bodies, push hard until they are off the sidewalk.” Mitchell and Smith met after Gone With the Wind was published. Smith asked Mitchell to write a piece on the writing of the novel for her small literary magazine. Mitchell refused. The two women didn’t like each other. Writing such as Smith’s soon came to be cosigned to what critics, Southern critics especially, called and still sometimes call “the shame and guilt school,” indicating that those two emotions were not worthy of the task ahead.

The sexuality of race brings Mitchell to her most virulent propagandist fever. Two of the central scenes in the book concern “rape” of white women by blacks and the murders of the offending blacks by white men. One of the scenes, the “rape” of Scarlett in Shantytown by a black man, appears in the lavish movie made of the book, but in a much sanitized form. The description of the attack is couched in excruciatingly bad romance writing. Scarlet can smell the “rank odor” of the Negro. He tries to drag her from the buggy. ” … With a ripping noise, her basque was torn open from neck to waist. Then the black hand fumbled between her breasts, and terror and revulsion such as she had never known came over her and she screamed like an insane woman.” The sexuality of the scene is virtually erased in the movie, and the main point becomes Scarlett’s rescue from danger by Sam, the former slave of Tara.

Sentimentality

Mitchell claimed to disdain and to have left behind the “moonlight and magnolias” writing of the 1890s, in which even the moonlight was richer and flowers more fragrant in the Southland. Still, she sentimentalizes the north Georgia planter aristocracy, giving it much greater wealth and pomp than it actually possessed. In her book, plantation owners own many more slaves than the 1860s planter aristocracy of Clayton County actually did. There are frequent barbecues among the planters, huge feasts interspersed with nap times, processions of hoopskirted women led to bedrooms by doting slaves. Gerald O’Hara wears a cravat just to ride to a neighboring plantation on business. 

Ashley Wilkes calls patriotism the “love of home and country.” He says, “I am fighting for the old days, the old ways I love so much but which, I fear, are now gone forever.” Still, we do not know why Ashley carries on so melodramatically. Mitchell paints hun as a man of principle, but we never learn what his principles are, except that one of them is not to succumb to Scarlett’s advances.

The city of Atlanta, after the war is lost, is sentimentalized almost as a shrine to a lost cause and to a people’s determination never to give in. Scarlett returns to the city, which bumed 130 years ago, on Nov. 14, 1864, to find it in ruins and filled with Yankees and Negroes.

” ‘They bumed you,’ she thought, ‘and they laid you flat. But they didn’t lick you. You’ll grow back just as big and sassy as you used to be!’ ” If ever a line of dialogue was written to be used through the ages by the chamber of commerce, this is one. It has ended up in prologues, poems, pamphlets, preachments and prayers and engraved in stone.

The old days are, indeed, “gone with the wind,” and that fact draws easy tears from anyone old enough to have endured sufficient time to qualify. Nothing remains the same in anyone’s life, then or now. But the book is one big annoying whine over the losses of Southern aristocrats, most of whom Mitchell was unable to endow with any believable redeeming qualities. Ashley Wilkes, who consistently moons over the mundane, is placed in the book to be a sad figure and to give Scarlett a “tragic” loss against which to position her stubborn achievements. Rhett Butler, in turn, is denied the real prize, Scarlett’s love, even though he gains her in marriage. For a man who eschews and follows causes with equal lack of motivation, Rhett becomes, at last, the firm, principled father figure the book has been searching for when he decides, after all this, that Scarlett is just too flighty for his taste. It is Mitchell’s final sad joke on herself, on her heroine. And it gives her an ending so perverse no one could possibly accuse her of sentimentality – unless they had read and remembered the preceding bulk of the book.

Historical Inaccuracy

Facts are not sacrosanct. And a good historical novelist need not be able to defend each and every statement of historicity. But a bad historical novelist – one who sets out to prove a view of historical interpretation – must indeed look to his or her facts. Such a novelist is left with little else to defend. For the good author of historical novels, history is not the primary focus. A work written to be a record of everything that happened is barely a novel at all. There’s plenty of history in William Faulkner and in William Styron, but no one bothers much to check its accuracy. If it were found that Faulkner had placed a river or a road or a town five miles from its actual site, what would it matter to the story of Sutpen as his house is burned down by his half-caste daughter? It is the human heart that is the subject. Even though Faulkner was thoroughly familiar with Civil War history, especially in his own area of Mississippi, he did not load his books down with it. But people generally do not go to writers such as Faulkner and Styron out of curiosity about history. They do flock, however, to the likes of Margaret Mitchell and her modem emulators. 

A friend at work, when I asked him if he’d read Gone With the Wind, said no, he hadn’t, but that his wife had read it all the way through. It was right after they moved to the area, and she wanted to learn about its history. The respected Southem historian C. Vann Woodward ruefully points out that most people do not read history but learn a version of it from fiction and other entertainments – books, film and television. This, Woodward says, places a serious burden upon fiction not to distort the spirit or the essence of eras it depicts while creating rounded characters and telling situations within it.

The careful process of protecting Gone With the Wine from charges of historical inaccuracy was begun even before it was published. In letters to editors, publishers and friends, Margaret Mitchell predicted that armies of unsympathetic reviewers and historians would be combing through her pages for evidence that she didn’t know her subject matter. She pointed out in speeches and letters that she had spent long hours at the historical society checking and double checking historical facts, and in spite of that, had to admit that she had herself found two errors in the thousand-plus pages. The errors, of course, turned out to be just the sort of minor discrepancies the nitpicky pedants might be expected to unearth. After all, these matters of geographical and temporal accuracy really are not worth checking. But it matters if the complexity and spirit of an era are distorted deliberately for the purpose of proving a point dear to the chamber of commerce.

To show the real despicable character of Yankee soldiers, Mitchell notes that the number of mulatto babies dramatically increased after they came to town. If mixed-race babies were tllat rare before the end of the war, it would make it difficult indeed to explain such historical situations as the following: In September of 1868, when Georgia set about expelling all Negroes from its Reconstruction legislature, four members of the House were so light-skinned that there was some question that they met the one-eighth blood definition, and they were allowed to remain. Had they been fathered by Yankee soldiers, it would have had to have happened closer to the time of the war with Mexico than to the Civil War. The fact is that the abuse of slave women by white Southern masters was a well-known scandal even before the war, and that such things are never acknowledged in Gone With the Wind.

Shallow Characters

The characters in Gone With the Wind are flat and unbelievable because they have but one purpose to serve, and that is to prove the preconceived notions of their creator. It would not serve her propagandistic purpose to develop a truly complex character, full of rights and wrongs, triumphs and mistakes – that is, a truly human character. That would merely detract from the story.

The two major characters, Scarlett and Rhett, have their hidden sides, but only because they deliberately hide them. They do not doubt themselves. They do not “develop” through the book’s story. Scarlett comes to feel, at last, a true kinship with her society, only through the common threat to them all- the threat of the black freedman. Rhett finally is revealed to be a “real man” and a “real Southerner” only by joining with the remnants of Hood’s army to fight in Tennessee and by saving the men who formed a hooded mob of night riders and murdered the black man and his white accomplice who had attempted to “rape” Scarlett. 

But you are missing the point, admirers say. Mitchell is satirizing much that she describes. Scarlett in particular. Her obsessive dreams of chivalry and the ultimate victory of the right thing are revealed as unrealistic. But Scarlett had learned nothing except to be more cynical. If chivalry no longer works, it is merely because the world has been turned upside down, not because chivalry is a silly idea to begin with; the right thing is to summarily kill blacks who are thought to have offended white women.

In Gone With the Wind, perhaps not unexpectedly, the Yankees are all bad. Not one redeeming feature is found in one Yankee. They reel drunkenly in the streets and set fire to buildings, steal and cheat and put freed blacks up to being disloyal to their former masters. There is no trace, no acknowledgement of the existence of white teachers and missionaries who came South to help freed blacks rise to self-help through learning; no characters such as those found in history who are torn almost beyond endurance between conflicting views.

The Atlanta culture of the 1920s and 1930s created Gone With the Wind through the strength of its regional boosterism. The book became overwhelmingly popular and, in turn, reinforced the culture. The two have been inextricably bound together ever since.

A local writer out to find a place in the bosom of the culture would be hard put to come up with something more effective and more pleasing to the local society than Gone With the Wind. Still, some have tried. Some have admittedly emulated Margaret Mitchell, others seem unaware of their debt. None has outdone her, although some have written extremely entertaining unintentional parodies. Bad writing, like bad money, drives out good.

Of all the fiction writing now going on in Atlanta, Anne Rivers Siddons’ Peachtree Road is the most deliberately evocative of Gone With the Wind and the most likely to be passed along to newcomers as a “history” of Atlanta during the black civil rights movement. It shares many features with Mitchell’s novel: It presents a chamber of commerce version of history; it contains easy, simplistic regionalism; it stereotypes blacks; and it presents characters who are either all good or all bad. 

Like Gone With the Wind, Peachtree Road has hoards of fans who do not mind its violence to history or its ignorance of the truly tragic in its midst. It has been praised for taking on a subject other writers were afraid to handle, while escaping an accounting for covering up the real and emphasizing the false. Peachtree Road manages to make the black civil rights movement a power grab by demagogues, kept from degenerating into violence and disorder by a highly romanticized white power structure. 

While the real mayor, Ivan Allen Jr., was jostled from a cartop into a rioting black crowd and had to call in police with tear gas, the romanticized white mayor of the book calms black rioters with his presence before toppling from a car. The romanticized white heroine provides some of the intellectual guidance of the local black movement but suffers a breakdown and kills herself. The historical movement, of course, was led by black figures like Martin Luther King Jr., too prominent to require listing them here. The first black mayor of Atlanta, in Peachtree Road, is the son of the chauffeur of the enlightened white mayor, who has groomed the new black mayor, educated him and eased him into office as the flunky of the white power structure.

This mangling of history, of course, ignores the significant advent of black empowerment by the election of Maynard Jackson, the first black mayor of Atlanta, who came from a long line of upper middle class blacks and did not need any white man’s largesse. Siddons can no more admit the inadequacies of her set of businessmen heroes than Mitchell could admit that of her planter aristocrats. Neither of them can admit the guilt that underlies the psychopathology that produced their work.

And where would the guilt lie that requires such a massive restraint? A war fought to preserve black slavery might seem a good candidate – and the lingering “problem” of black-white relations.

Atlanta and its region still await those novelists who can do justice to the great, unplumbed topics of the Civil War and civil rights. There are many critics today, many of them Southerners, who think the time has passed for such concerns. They say a new generation of Southern writers has moved on to more relevant topics. But the repression is never really gone and is liable to reassert itself at any time. It remains for writers of the region to confront it, write it and only then get rid of it. The rest is escapism. 

Perhaps the coming of the 1996 Olympics will provide us the impetus we need to rid ourselves of Rhett and Scarlett once and for all. Like the Confederate battle flag on the Georgia standard, Scarlett and Rhett are an expression of our anger and our hurt pride. We can’t erase our history, and we have no need to. But we can insist upon an honest look at it. We need not consign Gone With the Wind to the trash heap of forgotten books, but we can recognize it for what it is – a moral anachronism. 

It is time to stop humoring Scarlett and her cult. Tomorrow may be another day, but those days need not go on forever.

Atlanta writer Phil Gamer won the 1991 National Headliner Award for consistently outstanding feature column for his literary essays in Atlanta Magazine. He is currently at work on a book about Atlanta and its writers.

Sara’s Story

This article was originally published in our June 1993 issue.

Sara Ambrusko saw him on the evening news. Fredric Tokars was a junior prosecutor assisting in a murder trial — the gruesome slaying of an Atlanta attorney by his lover. She recognized him as a fellow Yankee in this Southern city, someone from her hometown high school, someone who had grown up in the same comfortable, white-bread suburb of Buffalo, N.Y. At the time, she was marketing director for the lively northside club elan. She was 31, outgoing and youthful, her blond hair falling below her shoulders just as it had in high school. Despite the grim tableau on the television screen, the familiarity of the lean, hawkfaced man brought back memories of her childhood – a sheltered, warm, less-hectic life where her father, a doctor, had been a man everyone could depend on.

On impulse, Sara called him. The conversation turned into a date, and the date evolved into an unpretentious marriage in Judge John Langford’s chambers the following year. “They were just a typical joyful couple who were ready and eager to get married,” Langford said – especially Sara, whose first marriage had ended in divorce. She was willing to exchange the church wedding she would have preferred for a simple civil ceremony because she thought she had finally succeeded in re-creating the normalcy of her childhood: a good man, the promise of children and a home in the suburbs. Tokars, a young ambitious lawyer, “just epitomized the kind of man that, when we grew up, we thought we should marry,” said Sara’s sister Krissy Ambrusko.

But before Sara and her second husband could celebrate their eighth anniversary, she was dead, the victim of a brutal November murder that her two sons witnessed. In life she had been an anonymous, sunny, east Cobb housewife adored by her friends and appreciated by those who knew her as the indefatigable worker bee in her children’s school and church. But in death her name would become as well-known in Atlanta as that of a rock star, her personal tragedy one that would move Atlantans to tears and make them wonder whether, if she had not placed that phone call to Fred Tokars eight years earlier, she would still be alive.

Sara met Fred Tokars, she was living in a Dunwoody condominium with her sister Krissy and working for elan, the trendy Perimeter nightclub that was one of Tokars’ favorite haunts. Sara had been a Florida elementary school teacher before coming to Atlanta – a move prompted by her 1981 marriage to an Atlanta health club owner she met on the beach. For a time, she had taught aerobics at her first husband’s northside club, which catered to, among others, the Atlanta Falcons, young investors in Atlanta’s burgeoning nightclub scene, and some of the beautiful women who eventually contributed to the breakup of her marriage.

Sara was attractive, lithe, and, according to her sister, “very into fashion.” She had retained from her high school cheerleading days an optimism and a knack for infusing others with her pep-rally enthusiasm — traits she easily adapted to nightclub promotions. Tokars was then working in the Fulton County District Attorney’s office. He was tall and slender, with a sensitive rather than a handsome face. He wore tortoiseshell glasses and combed his unruly, light brown hair behind protruding ears. He looked a little like Clark Kent and a lot like an accountant, which is what he had been before he earned his law degree in night school.

He was also a habitual self-promoter. Although he never prosecuted any cases that involved either white-collar crime or computer fraud, he quickly proclaimed himself an expert in those fields and began teaching at night law schools, local colleges, and accounting, tax, and law enforcement seminars, said Assistant District Attorney John Turner, who worked with him.

His nickname in the District Attorney’s office was “Fast Fred” – a reference, Turner said, to endless self-promotion, his eagerness to work on projects in which he took an interest, his predilection for the city’s nightlife, and because, when it came to women, he was almost always interested.

Before his marriage, Tokars enthralled Sara and Ktissy with stories about cases on which he supposedly had worked and where, in his accounts, he frequently took center stage. For the sisters, Tokars was a window on a grim and brutal world from which they had been insulated all their lives. But safe in their condominium, secure in jobs comfortably north of the city limits, they were fascinated rather than afraid. By prosecuting criminals, Tokars was doing something more important than just making money, the sisters believed. He was demonstrating moral character. “That,” says Krissy, “was part of his appeal.”

For Tokars — who had political aspirations and who also made no secret of his desire to become a tax attorney with a wealthy clientele — Sara was an asset. Not only was she beautiful and personable, but she also had desirable social contacts in a business to which he was attracted.

What Tokars may have overlooked or simply chose to ignore was Sara’s basic nature – that she was, at heart, tradition bound. She was the Catholic daughter of a surgeon and his wife, the middle child in a family of seven sisters, who wanted nothing more than to duplicate her parents’ marriage and re-create her childhood for children of her own. She saw in Tokars a man who had similar values. “They were from the same type of family,” said her sister Krissy. “She just kind of assumed they’d be the same.” And in the youth-driven culture that defined the nightlife she promoted, Sara was beginning to feel old. She was over 30. One marriage had already failed. “She wanted to have kids,” Krissy said. “That was the most important thing.”

Sara’s family noticed that even early in the marriage Tokars was not very attentive to his wife. “I thought it was sort of unusual,” said her father, John Ambrusko. “He hardly ever had dinner at home. He was always working late at night. … Sara used to be discouraged about the fact that he was never home.”

But, family members recall, aside from the fact that her husband was away so often, Sara did seem happy. Within months of the wedding, Sara was pregnant with her first child, Ricky. She and her husband purchased a gray wood home trimmed in stone in King’s Cove, an affluent east Cobb subdivision close to the exclusive Atlanta Country Club.

Sara continued to work while pregnant. But after Ricky was born, in September 1986, she wanted to quit her job to stay home and care for the child. When she broached the subject, Tokars objected. Said Krissy: “He was pretty upset that she didn’t want to work.” Sara may have been stunned by her husband’s objections. But she also couldn’t afford to have a second marriage dissolve; and she had always been the peacemaker in her family, the woman who always took care of everybody else. So after Ricky’s birth, Sara spent half-days at the office and tried to do the remainder of her work at home.

By then, Atlanta’s booming nightclub business was seeing a decline. Drink-and-drive laws had acquired stiffer penalties. Two-for-one happy hours had been outlawed. And AIDS was becoming a fierce reality. When the nightclubs Sara was promoting began losing money, Sara lost her job. She became a housewife by default.

Shortly after Sara lost her job, Tokars left the District Attorney’s office to establish his own practice. He began doing criminal defense work, renting space from Murray Silver, a criminal defense attorney and an Atlanta municipal judge. Tokars concentrated first on criminal defense, although he later expanded his practice to include tax fraud cases and divorces. He wanted, Silver said, “to make money fast.”

The year that Tokars opened his practice was also the year the U.S. Congress passed sweeping money-laundering laws designed to trace the movement of large sums of cash generated by illicit drug sales, he would later note. “Ironically,” Tokars wrote in the Atlanta Business Chronicle in 1990, “these money laundering and cash transaction requirement laws became so complex, drug dealers ultimately need to hire attorneys to explain how to circumvent this new system …. For the most part, these professional services are no different than those rendered to legitimate clients. In fact, attorneys often launder money without knowing it.”

The article Tokars authored for the Business Chronicle sounded remarkably like promotional copy. It also was prophetic. By 1993, federal investigators had targeted Tokars in a drug-trafficking investigation, in part to find out whether his expertise in money laundering was really as benign as he claimed.

When Tokars began defending rather than prosecuting criminals, Sara’s carefully nurtured dreams were already unraveling. But her husband’s new practice, which he said little about, added a new element to a marriage that was already showing signs of wear. Sara grew afraid. She knew her husband numbered criminals among his clients. Because he was often paid in cash, she suspected some of the people he defended had been charged with dealing drugs. She worried that the money might be tainted. “She was,” said her sister, “concerned about the unknown.” She was also disappointed. Her husband was no longer someone she could rely on to make her world a safer place.

By then, financial pressures on the marriage had ballooned – the house, although built in a tony subdivision, needed major repairs. There was a new baby, a new law practice and the loss of Sara’s $40,000 salary. Tokars assumed complete control of the family’s finances. He put Sara on a budget. According to Sara’s sister, Tokars would not permit his wife to have her own checking account or credit cards. He began insisting that they handle all their financial transactions in cash. He balked about buying furniture and about making repairs. “Fred used to tell her she didn’t know the value of a dollar,” Krissy said. “He had the attitude that she couldn’t control her spending.” Tokars’ attorney, Jerry Froelich, says Sara “was on an allowance because when he married her, she had a lot of debt.”

To many, Sara’s budget might not seem overly penurious. By 1992, it had risen to $400 a week. But obtaining money, over time, became a struggle in which Sara was· always the supplicant and her husband was always the final authority. Sara tried, according to her sister Krissy. She set up a small promotions company, Sara Ambrusko Productions, and began soliciting small contracts in Gwinnett County. She submitted budgets. He rejected her requests or only gave her part of what she asked.

Sara didn’t understand, her sister said. She was married to an attorney, a man who had convinced her father that his accounting and law degrees coupled with the tax seminars he taught gave him access to a lucrative clientele. Sara had always thought that attorneys made good money: But whenever she asked about the family’s financial situation, said her sister, her husband wouldn’t discuss it. Krissy said Sara told her Fred had even banned her from the basement of their home, where he kept a safe and an array of files under lock and key.

Over time, Sara began to rebel in small ways. She quietly obtained credit cards in her name, which she used whenever her husband either refused to give her money or was away from home. But the resulting monthly payments made her financial difficulties even more acute. And gradually, the attractive woman who had, before her marriage, been a fashionable dresser began wearing her sister’s hand-me-downs.

Tokars also began raising objections whenever Sara wanted to visit her closeknit family. If Sara insisted on going anyway, Tokars often would refuse to give her money for gas or a hotel room, Krissy said. Yet, despite his objections, Tokars sometimes joined his wife on those Florida visits. He would always fly, her family noticed, while Sara and the baby made the nine-hour drive down and back alone.

Sometime after their first son Ricky’s birth, Tokars’ growing control escalated into physical abuse, according to one Atlanta attorney who knew Sara — a claim later supported by an attorney Sara consulted and a private investigator she hired. Although more than five years have gone by, the first attorney has not forgotten what Sara Tokars told him.

The couple had been invited to attend a party he was giving. Sara called him at the office, the attorney recalls. “I feel so bad that we’re not able to come to your party,” she told him. “I’m not well.” When the attorney expressed his regret, Sara said quietly into the phone, “I can’t come because I have bruises on my left arm and side where Fred beat me.”

Then she paused, he said. “You wouldn’t say anything about this, would you?” she asked. “Please don’t say anything about this. Don’t even tell Fred I called.” And before she rang off, she repeated: “I’ve got your word now? You won’t mention this?”

Froelich says allegations that his client ever struck his wife are patently untrue. He would not permit Tokars to be interviewed, and, he added, he has received strict orders from his client not to discuss Sara.

In 1988 Sara gave birth to a second son, Michael. “I remember her saying she didn’t want Ricky to be an only child,” her sister said. “She wanted the two of them to have each other no matter what.” Four months later she penned a two-page will on a yellow legal pad. Writing the will was no idle gesture. Two witnesses signed it, and Sara had the document notarized. In it, she revoked all prior wills, left all her property to her two young sons, and named her sister San Francisco attorney Therese Ambrusko as her executor and the boys’ trustee. In the will, Tokars is mentioned only once, and not by name. Her younger sister Karen would become. her children’s guardian, Sara wrote, “if my husband does not survive me.”

It was the first sign Sara was worried about the welfare of her children should anything happen to her. It was also an indication that her marriage was falling apart.

By then, Tokars had taken out three life insurance policies totaling $1.75 million — all naming him as the primary beneficiary in the event of Sara’s death.

After the birth of his second son Tokars still spent the majority of his evenings away from home, according to Sara’s family. Krissy said that when Tokars called to say that he’d be working late, Sara would often hear chatter in the background — as if he were calling from a restaurant or bar. By 1989, Sara was convinced Fred was having an affair and sought advice from a Buckhead divorce attorney, Steven Labovitz.

“She was extremely concerned about her children, more so than anything else,” Labovitz remembered. “She was certainly fearful for a number of reasons – physically and mentally fearful. … I think it took some courage for her to come.”

For as Sara’s marriage foundered, her husband had, perhaps intentionally, raised the ante. He had formed a partnership with divorce attorney Emily Sherwinter. He had also threatened to take custody of the children if Sara ever tried to leave him.

“She’d been talking about divorce for some time,” said Ralph Perdomo, a private detective Sara eventually hired to follow her husband. “He [Tokars] told her if she ever tried to leave, he would take the kids from her, that he had the political contacts and the judicial contacts to do it … She was very, very intimidated by him.”

By 1988, Tokars had become involved in politics. Not in Cobb County, where he lived, but in Atlanta – a city that Sara, like many suburban housewives, found both frightening and foreign. He had served as campaign treasurer for state Supreme Court Justice Leah Sears-Collins when she ran her winning race for Fulton Superior Court judge. He had been appointed by Mayor Andrew Young as a part-time city judge. The following year, he would appear as a defense witness for Fulton Sheriff Richard Lankford during his trial on tax evasion and extortion charges.

What has since surfaced is the extent of his financial involvement. Tokars individually gave donations and loans totaling more than $7,000 to the campaigns of Sears-Collins, Fulton sheriff candidate Jackie Barrett, and Solicitor General Paul Howard. Campaign contribution reports also list Sara – who lived in a house furnished sparely in “early rental” and was always pressed for funds – as giving $3,500 in her own name to the Sears-Collins and Barrett campaigns. The candidates who list her as a donor are Democrats, even though Sara was a conservative Republican.

Tokars’ political contacts would probably not have interfered if his wife had sued for a divorce. But Sara had no way of knowing whether his threats were real or empty air. And, according to Labovitz, the attractive former nightclub executive had little self-confidence left. But desperate for her sons to grow up in a loving family and terrified she might lose them, Sara began gathering information on her husband that could be used against him if she left him. Not only did she hire the detective, she also broke the house rule. She entered the off-limits basement and obtained the combination to her husband’s safe.

Perdomo eventually confirmed that her husband was indulging in an extramarital affair. And, in the midst of a media frenzy last December about his life and that of his late wife, Tokars called a local newspaper to acknowledge that affair. He knew Sara had hired a private detective to follow him, he said. But he insisted that he and Sara had resolved their marital problems. He and his wife had seen a counselor, he said. They had worked things out. But before their supposed reconciliation, Sara, still desperate for information that might help her keep her children, had called Perdomo and asked him to come to the house.

It was a hot day in August, the detective remembers, and Sara apologized because the air conditioner was broken. She had not been able to repair it for more than a month, she said, because her husband had refused to give her the money.

On that visit, Sara escorted the detective to the basement. Perdomo says she opened her husband’s safe. Inside were documents, several bags, and several vials of what appeared to be prescription medication. Sara, he said, wanted him to take the documents, make copies and find out what they meant. Perdomo refused. To do so, he said, would be a violation of the law. If she was concerned, he told her, she should copy the documents and give them to someone she trusted. As for the pills, her family doctor could tell her what they were. He wouldn’t be able to help her. Perdomo said Sara then asked him to turn his own investigation of her husband over to police if anything ever happened to her. At the time, Perdomo thought she was being melodramatic – another betrayed and wounded housewife. He said he and Sara had a “falling-out” over what should be done about the contents of the safe.

News reports have suggested Sara stumbled upon evidence in the safe that her husband was laundering money. Atlanta police believe she may have found large sums of cash and wanted to know its origins, and Cobb police have said “it was pretty common knowledge” that Tokars kept large sums of cash on hand. But attorneys representing Tokars and one of his business partners say nothing in Tokars’ safe pointed to any criminal activity — an assertion law enforcement authorities now confirm. “I think there is more significance placed on the safe than should be,” said Cobb County District Attorney Tom Charron.

But Sara’s desperate quest for information and her willingness to contemplate divorce made her someone to be reckoned with in the murky world of nightclubs, politics and drug dealers with which Tokars is now known to be associated. “Sara was a very bright and intelligent woman,” Charron said. “She had been in the business world before. She was not sitting at home closing her eyes to anything and everything that was going on.” And a divorce and a bitter custody fight- with the requisite examination of Tokars’ assets – would have surely brought to light the fact that by March 1990, her husband was not only representing drug dealers, he was, according to court documents, in business with men who were fronting for them.

“If Tokars was going through a divorce,” Charron says “a fight over the proceeds could impact on the partners.” And, he added, “We don’t think there is any question that Sara and Fred were having problems right up to the day of her death. They were not a loving couple.”

Three weeks before Sara’s death, another event occurred that also might have put her at risk. Federal agents investigating allegations of drug trafficking and money laundering involving Tokars’ clients and business associates subpoenaed a female companion of Anthony Brown — whom they suspected of managing a cocaine distribution ring. The government acknowledged that the woman they subpoenaed had no knowledge of any criminal activities. Federal prosecutors said they called her to testify before the grand jury to obtain information regarding assets which may be subject to civil forfeiture, a prelude to, among other things, possible charges of tax evasion.

Because Tokars had been Brown’s attorney, federal prosecutors viewed him first as a potential witness and later, according to court records, as another target of their probe. By last November, the federal investigation was so wide-ranging that if the grand jury had so desired, it could easily have subpoenaed Sara, too.

What neither Sara nor Perdomo knew when they opened her husband’s safe was that Tokars had already attracted the attention of Atlanta police. “He handled money for so-called black entrepreneurs, guys who got big money quick,” said Maj. Vernon Worthy, head of the Atlanta Police Department’s special investigations unit, which monitors Atlanta’s nightclubs. “He’d show them how to get into the business. We think he would coach them along.”

Tokars, he said, “was well-known if the discussion was relative to someone handling your money for you. . . . He was involved in a lot of deals.” One of those deals involved the Parrot, a midtown nightclub. On March 6, 1990, Tokars became a partner in the Parrot Acquisition Corporation, which owned and operated the Parrot. In the company’s initial shareholder and management agreement, Tokars is listed not only as general counsel, but also as a board member and the corporation’s secretary. His partners were James Mason and Billy Carter. They were also his clients.

Carter was a former special agent with the Georgia Bureau of Investigation who was fired after he pled guilty to simple battery in Savannah in 1988. Mason was a local nightclub entrepreneur who numbers among his friends Atlanta sports figures, judges and local politicians. According to federal court documents, when Carter and Mason acquired the Parrot they were acting as front men for two men who, because of their criminal records, were banned by law from operating a club. The federal government is now, according to court documents, investigating whether money from illicit drug deals may have been used to buy and operate the Parrot.

By 1991, Tokars had resigned his corporate posts in the Parrot Acquisition Corporation, an action he formalized after he was named in a civil lawsuit involving Mason and the club. He was replaced by Julius Cline, a drug dealer who, according to the federal government, used Mason and Carter to buy the Parrot. All three men were also Tokars’ clients. And when Sneakers in Marietta — another club which Sara had promoted — closed, it was Mason and Cline who reopened the club as Deion’s Club 21 and became key figures in its management and operation.

Attorney Froelich insists that Tokars never knowingly permitted any of his clients or associates to act as a front man for a criminal. But Tokars was clearly keeping dangerous company. And, said Charron, “Somebody wished Sara ill will, felt that her continuing to live was getting in the way of what they were doing or was not financially lucrative to them.”

In the end, Sara couldn’t bring herself to leave her husband. No one, said her attorney, could promise her she would retain full custody of the boys, no matter what she found. And her sons were her life. “It was a bond like nothing I’ve seen,” her sister Krissy said. Yet she remained uneasy, plagued with nagging fears about her husband’s clientele. She confided both to a neighbor and her sister that she had urged her husband to install a home alarm system because she was alone at night so often with her sons. She complained that her husband wouldn’t repair the broken lock on the sliding glass door, but seemed helpless to take care of it herself.

But mostly, Sara was just unhappy. And she decided she would simply do what she could. She would live through her children and try to re-create the lingering warmth of her own childhood for them. She enrolled the boys in a Catholic grade school, where she volunteered as a teacher’s aide several times a week. A former elementary school teacher, Sara had always loved children, and she drew strength from the warm response of her own sons and their small companions to her presence in their classrooms. Sara also continued her periodic pilgrimages to Florida where her family remained her lifeline. Gradually, said her sister Krissy, Sara began talking about going back to work. Tokars reportedly suggested she work for him, but she was hesitant. She wanted the extra money for herself, and she wanted the independence.

Shortly before Thanksgiving last year, two men quietly entered the Tokars’ house. The hour was early, and Sara and her two boys were sleeping. Her husband was either away or had already left for work. Curtis Alphonso Rower, a 22-year-old drug addict, was one of those two men. His College Park running buddies called him Cornbread. He had a record of smaller crimes, culminating in a car theft for which he was on probation. He had never been accused of murder. But, he later told police, he had been promised $5,000 to kill Sara by the man that accompanied him that night — Tokars’ business partner Eddie Lawrence.

He also told Cobb County police that Lawrence knew Sara and her sons would be sleeping together in the children’s bedroom. He knew that the sliding glass door would be unlocked. They entered the house through that door. That morning before dawn, Lawrence also knew that the burglar alarm was off, Rower later said. But once the two men entered the house, Ricky’s springer spaniel, Jake, began barking. A light came on, Rower said, and they fled into the night.

Two days before Thanksgiving last year, Sara and her two children left for her parents’ home in Florida. En route to Bradenton, she stopped at the Tampa airport to pick up her husband, who had flown down from Atlanta. On Saturday, shortly after 1:30 a.m., the security company monitoring the Tokars’ home called. A fire alarm had gone off in the King’s Cove house, but there was no fire. Six hours later, the security company called again. A second alarm had sounded.

“Sara answered the phone,” her father remembered. “I don’t know whether Fred told her or she decided they should disconnect the alarm.” Within days, Tokars would insist that his wife, not he, had given the order to disconnect. The security company, he said, had the conversation on tape. 

Later that morning, Tokars left for Atlanta. Sara and her children stayed behind. Sara bought a Christmas tree and promised that she and the children would be back to decorate it before the month was out. By 11 a.m., Tokars was back in Cobb County and called Lawrence, a client and his partner in a mortgage company and a small construction firm  Lawrence said Tokars told him the water heater at the house was broken and asked him if he could come repair it. Lawrence turned him down.

On Sunday, John Ambrusko took his daughter and her two young sons to lunch. They left for Atlanta about 12:45 p.m. “Usually, Sara and the boys would hate to leave,” he said. “They would all be crying. This time, they were singing, ‘I’ll be home for Christmas.”’

Fifteen minutes after she and the boys departed, Sara’s husband called. What time were they expected home, he asked. Nine-thirty or 10 o’clock, his father-in-law replied.

Within the hour, Tokars had placed a second call to Lawrence. “He said he had gotten somebody to fix the water heater, and then we just talked about a few other things business,” Lawrence later told police. “Nothing really transpired.” Tokars told Lawrence that he was leaving town. That afternoon, he left for Montgomery, Ala., where he had an appointment with a federal prison inmate.

Sara had promised her father faithfully that she would call as soon as she and the boys arrived home. But that call never came. “We waited and waited and waited for them to call us,” her father later said. “We finally decided to call her. The line was busy. We waited. We called again. The line was still busy.” The telephone company later told them that the phone had been taken off the hook.

It was shortly after 10 p.m. when Sara and her children pulled into the garage. Mike, the youngest, was asleep in the back seat. Sara left him sleeping while she, Rick and the spaniel left the car. Perhaps she was still fumbling for her keys, her mind already on a hot bath and bed. Perhaps she had just opened the door. But, suddenly, there he was an agitated black man wearing a dark toboggan and nervously fingering a sawed-off shotgun. It was Curtis Rower.

Jake began barking. Rower kicked the dog and forced Sara and Ricky back into the car. He climbed in the backseat behind Sara, next to her sleeping younger son. He put the gun to her head and ordered her to drive. Rower told police later that she pleaded with him: “Just don’t hurt me and my kids.” Rower had been waiting inside the house for at least an hour before Sara and the boys returned. He knew where Sara had been. He knew when to expect her home. He knew her husband was out of town. He knew the house alarm, once again, was off. And, once more, Lawrence was with him, Rower later told police.

At first, Rower believed Sara was Lawrence’s ex-wife. Lawrence had offered him $5 000 to kill her because “she was standing in the way of a lot of money,” Rower told police in a taped confession last December. But Rower also insisted that Lawrence also told him Sara was his attorney’s wife. Her husband wanted her dead, Rower explained to police, because “she was standing in the way of a loan.”

Once Rower climbed into the car behind Sara and ordered her to drive, he wasn’t sure what to do. He still hadn’t been paid to kill her, Rower said, and he suddenly couldn’t locate Lawrence, who had left him in the house alone.

By the time Sara pulled out of the drive, Rower was convinced Lawrence had abandoned him. Peppering his commands with angry obscenities, Rower said he first ordered Sara to take him to an Atlanta housing project. Sara, who rarely traveled south of the Perimeter unless she was going to Florida, didn’t know how to get there.

About a half mile from the Tokars’ house, Rower ordered Sara to turn down a darkened street that ended in an empty cul-de-sac. Instead, Sara pulled to the side of the road. By then her younger child had wakened and, according to statements the gunman later made, had begun tugging on Rower’s sleeve. But in his confession, Rower told police Lawrence had warned him: “Don’t touch the kids. Don’t do nothing to the kids.”

Sara desperately offered Rower her purse and then begged him to leave. “You can take the car,” she told him. “Just don’t hurt me or my children.” But Rower had spotted Lawrence parked on a nearby side street, he later told police. Within minutes, Lawrence, he said, was beside the car. “She acted like she know Eddie,” Rower said. “She looked back and seen Eddie like she was shocked. I don’t know if she recognized him, but she was looking like she was in shock.”

The blast from the sawed-off shotgun caught Sara in the back of the head. As she slumped over the wheel, the car, its motor still running, rolled across the road and came to rest in a nearby field. Rower fled.

Covered in his mother’s blood, Ricky reached over and turned the key. The engine stopped. He pulled his little brother from the back seat. They were crying. He held Mike’s hand as they ran through a field to a nearby house for help. He wanted someone to call his grandfather. His grandfather was a doctor who would make his mother better.

Police reached Tokars at a Montgomery hotel later that evening. Florida police arrived at the Ambrusko’s Bradenton home shortly after midnight with the news. Tokars, his attorney said, was shattered. And, his father-in-law remembers, Tokars was hysterical the first time he talked with him by phone.

Less than three weeks after Sara’s murder, police arrested Lawrence. Tokars had lent him $70,000. The businesses they jointly owned were in financial trouble. Lawrence was facing criminal charges for writing bogus checks. Informants told police that before Sara’s murder, Lawrence had been looking for a hit man. In a formal statement to police, Lawrence denied killing Sara or participating in her death.

Within a week of Lawrence’s arrest, a man approached Cobb County police with Rower’s name. He was the boyfriend of Rower’s sister, who worked for Eddie Lawrence. Lawrence had offered him $5,000 for the hit, he told police, but he had turned him. down. Rower, he said, had accepted the offer. Two days before Christmas, police pulled Rower out from under a bed where he was cowering in a cousin’s home in southwest Atlanta. Twelve hours later, Rower had confessed to Sara’s murder, although he told police that in the end, he hadn’t meant to kill her.

The day after Rower was arrested, Tokars tried to kill himself. He was in Florida but had left his children with his wife’s family to go to a hotel. He locked himself in his room, placed a “do not disturb” sign on the ‘door, swallowed some pain pills and washed them down with alcohol. He was unconscious when he was found.

Tokars, his attorney said, was in despair. He had lost his wife. He was being hounded by the media. Rower – a drug addict with a history of mental problems — had cobbled a confession from numerous television reports and had accused Tokars of soliciting his wife’s murder not because it was true, but because it was what police wanted to hear, Froelich said. “No one could envision the pressure he was under.”

On December 31, Tokars was back in Atlanta where, at a news conference, he begged the media to leave him alone. His wife’s murder, he said, had cost him “my whole lifestyle.” And within days, he began eradicating the remainder of his Atlanta life. He closed his law practice and began liquidating his assets, according to police. He placed the couple’s house on the market. He rented a Dumpster, and what he didn’t pack, he threw away. He moved to West Palm Beach with his mother, leaving his sons in the care of their grandparents and a rotating contingent of Sara’s sisters. He visits with them twice a month.

Tokars won’t discus’s his wife’s death except to assure Sara’s family that he was not involved and he didn’t believe Lawrence was either. He has been seeing a counselor, he told the Ambruskos, who has told him “to start looking forward, not to look back and not to discuss it with anybody.”

But the gritty, dim-lit world through which Tokars often moved and that had for so long disquieted his wife, is now the subject of two separate investigations. While Cobb County police are exploring Tokars’ ties to Lawrence — who along with Rower has been charged with Sara’s murder – a federal grand jury is exploring the attorney’s relationships with men who stand accused either as drug traffickers or their front men.

Whether or not the ongoing investigations will dovetail is unclear. Cobb District Attorney Tom Charron says it may be years before the whole truth behind Sara’s death surfaces. He is, he said, prepared to wait. But others are not. Since her death, Sara Tokars has become a cottage industry. Almost everyone who knew Sara or is familiar with the case has been called by Hollywood agents and producers seeking their rights for a fee. Almost no one has been exempt — her parents, her sisters, her husband, reporters who have covered the story, the police, the district attorney, her husband’s former partner, the divorce attorney and the private investigator to whom Sara had turned for help. ABC has signed a deal for the television movie. Sara is now known not for who she was, but for how she died.

Police say Sara died saving her children. If Lawrence did approach Sara’s Toyota as it idled by the side of the road that dark November night, she probably recognized him. He had been to the house that summer to supervise some contract work in a downstairs bathroom, and he has told police he met Sara at that time. In the waning moments of her life, Sara shoved her eldest son to the floor, according to police reports. Then she began to scream. And according to Rower, who was holding the shotgun at her head, she suddenly accelerated the Toyota, jerking the wheel hard to the left where Eddie Lawrence stood. As the shotgun blast took her life, the 4Runner knocked Lawrence down. Rower leaped from the car as it plunged through heavy shrubbery into the nearby field. In the rush to escape, Sara’s boys were forgotten. They escaped unharmed.

Nine years have passed since Sara Ambrusko Tokars first watched her husband on the evening news. Murder was the catalyst for their marriage. Murder ended it, and her husband found himself on the evening news again.

This article was originally published in our June 1993 issue.

The Day King Died

Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Jr. in 1964

Photograph by Keystone/Getty Images

This article originally appeared in our April 1993 issue.

From Mayor: Notes on the Sixties by Ivan Allen, Jr. with Paul Hemphill.

On the night of Thursday, April 4, 1968, Louise and I were in our bedroom at home watching television and reading the newspaper when a bulletin flashed on the screen: MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., SHOT IN MEMPHIS. The second I saw it I jumped to my feet and said, “Good God, won’t they ever learn? First Kennedy, now King!” It is hard to describe the feeling I had. I suppose millions of others all over the world had the same feeling of shock and anger at that same second. Dr. King had been in Memphis during a sanitation workers’ strike and was just getting ready to go out to dinner with some of the other SCLC workers when a shot rang out and dropped him on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel. Instinctively, I called Ann Moses and got the Kings’ home telephone number from her and dialed it. Mrs. King answered. I had moved so fast I didn’t know whether she had even been told of the shooting yet.

“Have you heard about Dr. King?” I said.

She seemed composed. “I just talked to Memphis.”

“What do you want to do?”

“I’m going up there right now.”

“Is there anything I can do for you?”

“There’s a plane leaving in about fifty minutes, and I would appreciate your help in getting me on it.” I told her I would send a police car after her, and that I would be there myself as soon as I could, and we hung up. At this point all of my responses were as a friend of the King family rather than as mayor of Atlanta. From my brief conversation with Mrs. King, I gathered that her husband was not in serious condition because she had just talked to someone in Memphis and seemed steady. Even so, she needed friends with her and her children. I arranged to have a police car rushed to the King home and quickly put on a shirt and tie.

“What are you going to do?” Louise said.

“I’m going to Mrs. King.”

“I’ll get a coat. I’m going with you.” A woman could help more than a man, she knew. We hurried outside into the drizzling rain and got into our Chevrolet (this was one of the few times in my eight years that I had not come home in the radio-equipped city car, leaving me without communications when I needed it the most), and slithered onto Northside Drive, racing through the wet night to find the King home. As we turned off Northside onto Magnolia Street and screeched through the heart of Vine City, a poorly lighted black neighborhood that was still one of our difficult areas, I had my first qualms about bring Louise with me. It was the first time I had any thoughts about the situation the entire nation was going to be faced with for the next week or so. What must they be thinking in those narrow, cluttered frame houses? First there had been John Kennedy, and now, less than four years later, their greatest champion of all had been gunned down. What were the black people in Martin Luther King’s hometown going to do if his wounds turned out to be fatal? I had great apprehension as we screeched onto Sunset. Here was a middle-aged white couple from Northside Drive, moving through the center of Vine City on a dark night in an unmarked car with no protection only an hour after the hero of the black people had been shot. I was praying for the best, remembering what Martin had said that night at the Wheat Street Baptist Church—“If anyone breaks this contract, let it be the white man”—but I must admit I couldn’t blame the people of Vine City for whatever actions they might take in retaliation.

When we reached the King home, the police car was out front and Mrs. King was coming down the steps. Reverend and Mrs. Fred Bennette and Mrs. Sam Williams were already there. They put Coretta in the front seat of the two-door police car and I was already in the back seat when I realized I still had not called the airline to hold the 8:25 plane to Memphis, and I wouldn’t be able to use the radio from the back seat. Just as we were preparing to leave for the airport, George Royal drove up in another police car and I jumped in beside him. So, with Mrs. King in one police car and me in another and Louise and Mrs. Williams in our personal car, we roared off toward the airport.

It was then, when I had given positive orders for the airline to hold the plane for Mrs. King, that I began to sense my larger responsibilities; that I had to act not only because I was a personal friend of Martin and Coretta King but also because I was the mayor of Atlanta. The death of Dr. King would not only be a personal tragedy, it would be a tragedy for the nation and for the South and for Atlanta. I tried to ask myself what John F. Kennedy would have done at a time like this. Having lived with the problems in the ghettos during 1966 and 1967, being quite aware of the tender feelings in the cities all over America then, I knew that even if Martin lived there would possibly still be major rioting in Atlanta. Dr. King, as the leader of the nonviolent movement, wouldn’t want it that way, of course; but that was beside the point. I wanted to do whatever I could to assure the black people of Atlanta that we cared, that Martin Luther King was also our friend. As a starter, I got back on the police radio and placed call after call to the police dispatcher, giving the car number and saying this was Mayor Allen and letting it be known that I was with Mrs. King and was escorting her to the airport. I wanted the news media to know, so that information would get out to all of those bleak Negro homes: Atlanta cares, Atlanta is doing whatever it can. There had been nothing in my past experience to prepare me to handle a situation like this. Again, there are times when you have to go with your instincts. This was another of those times.

The police had their instincts working, too, and that made me feel stronger as I tried to guess at what the next few days would hold for them. Four of us in particular—Chief Jenkins, George Royal, Morris Redding and I—had been inseparably tied together by the problems of the civil-rights movement during the decade, and our mutual friendship and understanding had reached such a point that we could almost always anticipate the others’ moves. I found that each of us that night were instinctively taking the actions we would have taken if we had been able to sit down and write out a lengthy plan. First, I had rushed to Mrs. King’s side as soon as I heard of the shooting in Memphis. Chief Jenkins, realizing that he was second in command and that the second danger spot in the city that night would be the elder Kings’ home, went immediately to see that Martin’s parents were protected. George Royal, now promoted to superintendent, knew I would first go to Mrs. King’s, and he rushed there to give any assistance he could. And Morris Redding, who was now my aide, didn’t have to think twice about going directly to the airport where he knew I would be. None of us had been in communication with the other. It was as though we had rehearsed it.

Morris Redding and Jack Nelson of the Los Angeles Times‘ regional bureau were already waiting when we arrived at the airport. While the Bennettes helped Mrs. King out of one car, I got out of mine and grabbed Redding by the arm and handed him two hundred dollars. “Morris,” I told him, “for God’s sake get two tickets for Memphis.” I hadn’t made up my mind yet whether I should stay in Atlanta or accompany her to Memphis (although I think I would have gone with her if Martin had lived), but I still had enough presence of mind to get tickets for the flight. I guess the customs of a lifetime stick with us: here I was worrying about buying tickets, no matter what the emergency was. Other newsmen were beginning to reach the airport as we started down the ramps, looking for the right Eastern Airlines gate. As soon as we found the gate and were about to turn into the waiting room, Dora McDonald, Dr. King’s executive secretary, came running after us. She seemed extremely upset. She grabbed Mrs. King and said, “Coretta, we’ve got to go in here,” and pulled her into the adjoining ladies’ restroom. At the same instant an Eastern official came up to me and said, “They’ve got to talk to you over the telephone.”

I expected the worst, from the look on Dora McDonald’s face. I went to the nearest phone. It was someone identifying himself as an Eastern official.

“Mayor Allen?”

“Yes, this is Ivan Allen, Jr.”

“I’ve been asked to inform you that Dr. King is dead.”

I had to be sure. “I want you to go back and reaffirm your statement and be positive that this is right.” “Mayor Allen,” he said, “I have been instructed to affirm and reaffirm to you that Dr. King is dead.”

I was numb. When I came out of the phone booth I saw Louise, who had not been able to keep up with the two police cars going to the airport. She saw the look on my face. We walked over to Dora and Coretta, who had their arms around each other and were standing in the middle of the corridor now. I felt certain Coretta knew her husband was dead, but it was my duty to tell her officially. I was grateful that there were two women with her the moment I had to tell her. I said, “Mrs. King. I have to inform you that Dr. King is dead.”

I don’t remember that she said anything. Certainly, she had trained herself for the possibility of that moment in all of those years while Martin exposed himself to crowds of rednecks in angry small Southern towns. She had been able to steel herself for it in the few minutes she was with Dora and I was on the phone, when it was fairly obvious what the news was. Hearing it said for the first time was something else, though. The four of us stood there for what seemed like an eternity, holding hands, Coretta showing great courage and dignity and poise.

“Coretta,” I said, “do you want to go to Memphis, or what?”

“I can’t help in Memphis,” she said. “My place tonight is with my children.” She was right.

After I notified Eastern to release the plane, we went back through the airport. I don’t remember that walk. The press had started to catch up with us by then, and a couple of television cameras were grinding away. The cars had been brought around to a rear gate. It was raining hard now. We got into the cars and took the interminable drive back to the King house, in silence. I held an umbrella for Coretta and helped her into the house. We had been gone for about an hour and fifteen minutes, and by this time a large contingent of Atlanta police had arrived to guard the house and the children, and a number of friends, black and white, had come to do whatever they could. Coretta retired to her bedroom, and all of us were left in the front rooms, shocked and dazed. There was a phone call to Mrs. King from President Johnson. Then the President was on television, and that was an eerie feeling—to be sitting in the house of Martin Luther King, Jr., watching the President talk to the nation about what a tragedy had just taken place. Finally we left for City Hall.

By the time I got to my office, around ten o’clock that night, it was already the center of attention. Ann Moses, working on instinct, as the rest of them had been doing since the first announcement of Dr. King’s shooting, had rushed down to open up the office, and when we arrived there it was jammed with newsmen trying to find out what I had done and what I planned to do. Riots had already broken out in several cities over the country. The obvious question was, would there be trouble in Atlanta, Martin Luther King’s birthplace? By now, that was the major question in my mind. Could we hold together that huge Atlanta University complex on the west side of the city, the six predominantly Negro universities and colleges—Martin’s alma mater, Morehouse College, among them—from whence had come the front-line soldiers in the civil-rights crusade? Without a doubt, the world had already shifted its attention from Memphis to Atlanta. The body would be brought back here, and it would be put into the ground here.

Still in somewhat of a daze, I first put together a proclamation deploring the assassination and calling for level-headed citizens to act properly and show their respect for Martin Luther King, Jr. I wouldn’t say it was one of the greatest proclamations, but we were under too great a strain to operate effectively on things like that. Then I began sending for my aides, the people closest to me, the ones I could depend upon to get the machinery rolling: Earl Landers, my administrative assistant; Milton Farris, chairman of the Aldermanic Finance Committee; Henry Bowden, the city attorney; Herbert Jenkins, George Royal, Morris Redding, Ann Moses. Telephone calls were coming in and going out. I kept calling the news media, keeping them posted on everything that was happening. I stayed in touch with the educators at Atlanta University to keep abreast of their situation.

We had to be realistic about it. There would likely be serious trouble, particularly in the black neighborhoods. Milton Farris never raised a question when I told him we would have to put the police department on double shifts, something we were allowed to do only on the most extreme provocation. I was asking him to call in every policeman in Atlanta and run two twelve-hour shifts. That could get very expensive, and Farris knew as well as I that we would be damned if we did and damned if we didn’t: we would be assailed by that same crowd of haters for bending over backwards to help the Negro or, if no trouble broke out, for wasting thousands of the taxpayers’ dollars. But Milton never raised an eyebrow when I requested the double shifts: “Whatever you think is right, it should be done.” It was a difficult thing to do. You can’t work men for twelve hours a day, seven days a week, for very long. There was no quibbling from Farris or from Chief Jenkins.

Then, about midnight, I finally got in a call to the President. This was the only time in my eight years as mayor that I called the President of the United States. I simply wanted him to know that the leadership in Atlanta, Dr. King’s home, was alerted to the dangers and aware of the magnitude of the situation. I guess I just wanted to talk to the President. At any rate, President Johnson returned the call within minutes. It was obvious to me that he and Mrs. Johnson had already retired for the night when I placed my call.

“What does it look like down there?” he said.

“It’s all right, right now, Mr. President,” I told him. “I’m worried, but I’m hopeful. It’s raining pretty hard, and that’s a big help. It’ll keep people off the streets.”

“We’ve had a lot of rioting in the country.”

“That’s what we heard.”

“We’ve had to commit a lot of troops already.”

“Yes, sir.”

“I’ll do whatever’s necessary, Mayor,” he said, “but this stuff is breaking out all over. I hope we don’t have to send anybody down there. I hope if it gets bad in Atlanta the National Guard can take care of it.”

It was a soothing conversation. President Johnson was as cool as he could be. He impressed me as being a tough man when the chips are down, and the way he handled it helped settle my nerves. Then he put Mrs. Johnson on the phone and she spoke to me, recalling a visit she had made to Atlanta and expressing her sympathy over Dr. King’s death and saying their prayers were with us. Only someone who had been through those past few hours could have appreciated what that phone call meant to me.

Then, just as I was preparing to leave City Hall to go home for some sleep, I had a long distance call. I don’t think I was quite aware yet just how big this situation really was. I hadn’t had time to think about what was going to happen tomorrow or the next day; I was trying to make it through this one. The call was from Robert Woodruff, the developer of Coca-Cola, one of Atlanta’s staunchest citizens, the man who had done more to help build and direct Atlanta during the past thirty years than any one person. Woodruff had been, during my six years, my most valued unofficial adviser. He had called me on several occasions, whenever Atlanta was going through traumatic experiences, not to give me advice but to give me suggestions on the nature of the problem and what could possibly be done. The advice he had given me on whether or not I should go to testify in behalf of the public-accommodations bill was something I could never fully thank him for, and typical of our relationship. Anyway, he was calling me after midnight from Washington. He and Carl Sanders had been paying a personal visit to the President at the White House when the announcement of the shooting came, and had retired to their hotel when news of the death was broadcast. And now he was saying, over long distance, “Ivan, how are things in Atlanta?”

“Calm right now, Mr. Woodruff.” I filled him in on the situation and told him about the conversation with the President.

“I want to give you a little advice,” he said.

“Yes, sir.”

“You’ve got to start looking ahead.”

“They’ll bring the body back tomorrow.”

“I mean really look ahead, Ivan. The next four or five days. The problems you have tonight are nothing compared to what’s ahead.”

“Yes, sir. We’re doing what we can.”

“Ivan,” he said, “the minute they bring King’s body back tomorrow—between then and the time of the funeral—Atlanta, Georgia, is going to be the center of the universe.” He paused. “I want you to do whatever is right and necessary, and whatever the city can’t pay for will be taken care of. Just do it right.”

I got home around four o’clock in the morning, some nine hours after Louise and I had rushed away to be at the side of Mrs. King, and the wind had left me now. Robert Woodruff, I could see, had put it all in perspective. Atlanta was going to be the center of the world—”the center of the universe”—for the next few days. And in the spirit of those people who had selfishly made Atlanta into what it was, he was, in one breath, relieving me of any worries such as how we were going to pay for necessary police protection. I can’t imagine the mayor of any other city in the United States being, given a blank check like that, under such trying circumstances.

After a short, restless sleep I shook myself awake around seven o’clock the next morning. While I was having a cup of coffee the phone rang. It was Gene Patterson of the Constitution, who was complimentary over the way things had been handled the night before and wanted to know what my next moves would be. I told him I thought the key to the entire chain of events was what was going on at Atlanta University, and that I was going to try to set up a meeting that morning with the university presidents and be a part of whatever happened there. He thought it was a good idea.

“I’m going under one circumstance, though,” I said.

“What’s that?”

“That you’ll go with me.”

I heard the gasp. Patterson had always been an activist in the newspaper business, always wanting to be in the middle of things instead of sitting in an isolated editor’s chair, but he was obviously reluctant to be put in the position of participating in the leadership—to commit himself to a course of action that might take some of his objectivity away from him. I think he realized the quandary I was in, though, and saw that the city needed all the help it could possibly get. He agreed to go.

We met with the Atlanta University leaders in one of the presidents’ offices at nine-thirty that morning. They were as tired and sleepy-eyed as we were, and they didn’t feel any better than they had the night before because nearly four thousand black students had notified them that they were going to have a march that morning in memory of Dr. King. This presented us with a familiar problem: do you give a permit, or do you refuse a permit? You have to ask yourself where lies the least chance for trouble. It finally boils down to making a basic decision—fish or cut bait—and reacting impulsively once more. I told the presidents I was going to back the march, to the point of asking if I could join the march, and I invited them to go with me.

To my amazement, the presidents advised me that they had never marched with their students throughout the civil-rights crusade—that it had always been their policy to stay in the background and only offer advice and that they didn’t intend to change that policy now. A fierce debate followed. Then a secretary came into the room and said the students were getting ready to kick off their march. There had been no permit granted, but there was no way to control it by prohibiting it. Patterson and I stood up and said we were going down to participate in the march, and I asked them one last time to join us. To a man, they got up and followed us out of the room and across the campus to Hunter Street to join the students.

I walked up to a towering student, a young man about six feet, five inches tall, who appeared to be in charge, introduced myself, and told him I was deeply sympathetic and wanted to march with them. “Mayor Allen,” he said, “we respect you, but this is a black man’s march, and we don’t want you to go with us.” This frightened me, worried as I was that there was going to be a backlash on the part of the city’s black community, but I couldn’t afford a confrontation. He did say it would be all right to ride in a police car seventy-five to a hundred yards ahead of the marchers, gave me the line of march, and that is how Gene Patterson and I participated in it. For about an hour and a half we led the march across the west side of Atlanta, riding ahead in a police car. It was an orderly march, with no incidents of any kind—from the angered black students or from the whites lining the curbs here and there along the route.

As soon as I got back to City Hall it was time for a meeting of department heads that I had called that morning. The city was still orderly, and a fine drizzle was coming down. It was time for us to start laying plans for the funeral, which had been set for the following Tuesday. It had finally sunk in on us that this was not going to be merely a large funeral, or even a private funeral: it was going to be most public, and the people attending it would either be famous or emotional or both. Even so, we found ourselves that morning thinking in terms of a funeral procession of some ten thousand people. We still had not been able to grasp fully the magnitude of something like this. The death and the impending funeral of Martin Luther King, Jr., was easily the top story in the entire world, just as Robert Woodruff had predicted to me on the phone from Washington, but we couldn’t see the forest for the trees. All we knew was what we read in the Atlanta papers; if, indeed, we even had time to do that. Even for a routine private funeral there are scores of minor details to be worked out in advance: the line of procession, the time, traffic police and so forth. For the King funeral (and, again, our estimate of the crowd at that point was only ten thousand), there would be endless other logistics: elimination of work crews on downtown streets, arrangements for press and network television crews, housing space for visitors, first-aid stations, extra police and firemen in case of trouble, even plans for the cleanup that would be required afterwards. We were confident we could handle the situation if we really went to work. We might not have been so confident if we had known how big it really was going to be.

I tried to get away for a game of golf at the Peachtree Golf Club Saturday morning with three friends. Dr. King’s body had been brought back to the city Friday afternoon, and Sam Massell and I had been at the airport to meet it and Mrs. King, and ride along to the funeral home on Butler Street. Friday night had passed quietly, though there had been rioting all day in Washington and in many of the other Eastern cities, and the vanguard of those who would attend the funeral was beginning to reach Atlanta. After the golf game Saturday morning, our wives met us for lunch. I had been fidgety all morning. Something was bothering me, and I couldn’t put my finger on it. I became so upset that I excused myself before lunch came and went back to my office, and then called another meeting of department heads.

This time we looked deeper into the entire situation, and the more we talked the more we were convinced that Atlanta was about to be the scene of the largest and most emotional funeral in the history of the United States. Reports kept trickling in from all over. Arrangements being made by the telephone company for phones and cables indicated there would be an unbelievable amount of coverage by the networks and the daily press. The SCLC was setting up an emergency headquarters, staffing it with scores of volunteers who were working around the clock to arrange for visitors from all over the world. The attorney general’s office had sent in an advance detachment of men, apparently to lay some preliminary plans for security and to find out whether Atlanta’s leaders were aware of the magnitude of the funeral. The department heads and I began raising our estimate on the size of the crowd expected for the funeral, from our first guess of ten thousand up to thirty thousand or more. There had still been no violence in Atlanta, but we knew full well that it was all ahead of us.

That night, I was still jumpy. I finally ended up calling Herbert Jenkins. Herbert and I had lived through many a crisis over the past several years, most of them related to civil rights, and he always had a settling effect on me: cool, level-headed, a good man to have around in an emergency, yet with an emotional pitch that gave him the capacity to understand problems of this type. I suggested that I run by and pick him up, and that the two of us just ride around town and see what was happening.

We decided to visit every Negro neighborhood in Atlanta, get out of the car at each one, and let ourselves be seen. We went to Summerhill, Vine City, Mechanicsville, Pittsburg, Blue Heaven: all of them. Here we were, two white middle-aged gray-haired men—the mayor and the police chief of the city—walking up and down the streets, standing on the corners, talking to the people, trying to show them our concern. It was much the same strategy I had used during the rioting in Summerhill in 1966, and it seemed to be working. There were smiles and greetings from those who recognized us. And if you don’t think word spreads like a brushfire in a black ghetto, you don’t know much about that way of life. The grapevine, rather than newspapers or television or any other method of communication, is the traditional means of spreading the word there. I would dare say that by midnight, after Herbert and I had spent three or four hours simply showing ourselves in all the Negro areas of the city, more than half of Atlanta’s black population of two hundred thousand knew what we had done.

Very late that night, when Herbert and I had hung around the busy Negro commercial section at Hunter and Ashby streets and were about to call it quits, he told me SCLC had set up its communications headquarters in the West Hunter Street Baptist Church and suggested we drop by to see what was happening. I wanted to see the Reverend Ralph Abernathy, anyway. Ralph had been Dr. King’s trusted right-hand man for all of those years, the heir apparent to the top job at SCLC now that Martin was gone, and this had thrown us together on many occasions. When Herbert and I entered the basement of the church, it was close to midnight, but the place was a beehive. Scores of workers, black and white, were talking on the telephones and shuffling papers and making charts. We went over to Ralph and spoke to him for a few minutes, and then I pointed toward the bank of some thirty phones, each of them manned by a worker, and I said, “Who are these people talking to?”

“It’s all long distance,” Ralph Abernathy told me.

“Long distance?”

“Every one of them.”

“Who the devil are they talking to?”

Ralph said, “People who’re coming for the funeral.”

“Do you mean to tell me . . . all long distance?

“We’re making arrangements with SCLC people all over the United States,” he said. “We’re setting up accommodations for people who’re coming in for Tuesday.”

When I looked around that room and saw thirty people on thirty telephones, talking to California and New York and Chicago and everywhere else you could imagine, the size of what was about to happen in Atlanta finally hit me in the head. To say that I was stunned and shocked would be putting it mildly. This wasn’t any wild political headquarters. This was a massive, well-organized, highly supervised nerve center where plans were being made to receive as many as a hundred thousand people into Atlanta for one funeral. When Jenkins and I went outside, still trying to clear our heads, we were notified that a whiskey store just down the street had been broken into and that a gang of young Negroes had cleaned it out. Somehow, it didn’t bother us. We were perfectly willing to sacrifice a couple of liquor stores.

Sunday morning, I was stalking back and forth in the kitchen like a caged animal. In the middle of the night I had gotten a call from Attorney General Ramsey Clark, who wanted to talk to me about the legal aspects of the funeral—the need for public facilities, even though officially this would be a private affair. “Look,” he had said, “the Third Army is there [headquarters for the Third Army was at Fort McPherson in Atlanta], and I’m placing it at your disposal. Any help they can give you in the way of accommodations or anything, we’ll see that they go all out.” This had served to further heighten my apprehensions about our ability to cope with something this big, and I was pacing around the house when the phone rang on a private line. I don’t know how he got the number, but it was a young minister named Randy Taylor from Central Presbyterian Church—a huge church across the street from City Hall, one that had managed to survive despite the fact that most of its congregation had moved away to the suburbs. Randy Taylor had called on me recently when he had come to Atlanta, and I vaguely recalled our meeting. Now he was calling me and saying he had a problem, and I felt like snapping back at him that I could match any of his problems ten times over.

“I need your help,” he said.

He needs my help, I thought.

“We’ve voted to open up our church.”

“Well, what do you mean?”

“We’re opening our doors to Negro people.”

“I still don’t understand.” I’m a Presbyterian myself, and I couldn’t imagine what he was talking about. Presbyterians are a righteous lot, but they don’t move that fast.

“Mayor,” he said, “it was unanimous. Our board of deacons voted on it and we’re housing three hundred Negro citizens tonight. We’ll provide meals for several thousands during the march when they pass by the church, and we’ll have living quarters for as many as we can take. We’re going to need six hundred blankets.”

“Reverend Taylor,” I said, “there’s only one job bigger than my finding six hundred blankets, and that’s your opening up your church to Negroes. You’ve got ‘em.”

So this was how Atlanta was going to react. In the back of my mind all along there had been great fears that the major factor in whether Atlanta was going to have serious trouble was not with the black people but the white racists who had always referred to Dr. King as “Martin Luther Coon” and hated him and what he had done with an unswerving passion. I had received several telegrams and phone calls from a surprisingly large number of these people, and from some people I had respected in the past, suggesting that the city ignore the funeral. Lester Maddox, of course, was cowering in the Capitol and making an issue about the plan to lower flags in Atlanta to half-mast, and there were rumors that he was going to call up the National Guard for his personal protection. A mild hysteria was running through the conservative community and there was the possibility of still another assassination with all of the liberal leaders descending on Atlanta at one time. But here was a young Presbyterian minister saying his church was opening its doors to Negro visitors. Later in the day, hundreds of other white churches in the city made similar announcements. Randy Taylor had shown me the attitude Atlanta was going to take, and it took only a minute to call Third Army headquarters and get six hundred blankets.

Finally, on Monday morning, twenty-four hours before the funeral was to take place, the big wheels began to mesh. We knew by this time that Eastern Airlines was going to have more charter flights coming into Atlanta Monday and Tuesday than they had ever put into one city in the history of the airline. We knew there were more than forty Greyhound buses coming in from New York City alone, with forty people to a bus. Then there were the railroads and the private automobiles. It had taken us four days to discover the magnitude of it, but now it appeared that more than one hundred thousand people would be coming into Atlanta for the funeral. Not only were the white and black churches of Atlanta opening their doors to the visitors, but many private homes, black and white, were also offering their rooms. Many of those planning to come wouldn’t have the means to rent hotel rooms or dine at expensive restaurants; a lot of them just planned to come to Atlanta and worry about eating and sleeping when they got there. And then there would be the celebrities: the Kennedys, Harry Belafonte, Jacob Javits, John Lindsay, Wilt (The Stilt) Chamberlain, Jimmy Brown, James Brown, Nelson Rockefeller, Richard Nixon, Hubert Humphrey, and on and on and on. The crush was going to be fantastic.

All we could do was try to plan for every situation, every need, that might arise, and then hope for the best. When there is going to be, say, a huge sports event, plans are laid for weeks and months in advance. There are organizational meetings held, and everybody involved has ample time to prepare: hotels, restaurants, police, sanitation department, transportation facilities, etc. But we had been given only four full days to get ready, and our difficulties were compounded by the very real threat of violence. At a meeting with SCLC officials that day before the funeral, we assured them that the city would immediately issue purchase orders for such things as public-address systems and portable toilets along the line of march—and that we were prepared to foot the bill, no matter what the technicality might be over whether the funeral was public or private. We also finalized our security setup: in addition to the Secret Service and FBI and federal marshals, we would have fourteen hundred young Negro students serving as special marshals, plus five hundred uniformed city firemen and, for the first time in the city’s history, every one of the thousand-plus employees of the Atlanta Police Department. We had done what we could. It was quiet again in Atlanta on Monday night as the population of the city began to swell and thousands of mourners inched through the darkness of the Morehouse College campus to take a last look at Martin Luther King, Jr.

Early on Tuesday morning, my wife and I went to the airport to meet some of the VIP’s coming in for the funeral. There was John V. Lindsay and Nelson Rockefeller, who had come in on a chartered flight from New York City. Then, with Vice President and Mrs. Hubert Humphrey and Martin’s brother A.D. King, we were driven as rapidly as possible to the Ebenezer Baptist Church where the funeral ceremony would be held—that same small church on Auburn Avenue where Dr. King, Sr., and his son had preached so many times.

When we reached the church there were perhaps one hundred thousand people in the immediate vicinity, all of them seemingly trying to get inside a church that could hold but eight hundred. It was a terrific crush. Squeals were going up on the sight of Jacqueline Kennedy or Jimmy Brown or Richard Nixon. The Secret Service was having a terrible time keeping the entrances clear so those invited to attend the service could get inside. Mrs. Allen and I were seated on the second row, directly behind the Vice President and his wife, and I was trying to see everything that went on. It was an anxious time for me. We could hear the jostling and wailing and yelling outside. I was talking to myself, pleading that nothing would go wrong. Many businesses had closed for the day, and there was a great deal of respect being shown for the memory of Martin Luther King. But, after all, this was the Old South. A good part of white Atlanta had stayed home. There was still great bitterness and opposition to the funeral. I could only hope that things would go as well outside as they were inside the church. The Negro ushers all wore morning coats and striped trousers, and they were somberly escorting all of these sad people down the aisles of the cramped and stuffy little church. Inside was the greatest galaxy of prominent national figures there had ever been in Atlanta at one time: Robert Kennedy, George Romney, Mayor Carl Stokes of Cleveland, Nixon, Rockefeller, Harry Belafonte, and an endless array of others equally as famous. Coretta King, sitting with her family front and center in front of the casket, looked lovely and courageous and dignified in the black mourning veil.

Once the service was completed, it was time for the long procession to Morehouse College to begin. These thousands of people would march along behind the mule-drawn wagon carrying the body, would march down the streets of Atlanta in the broiling sun, would march and sing “We Shall Overcome,” would march and dab at their tear-streaked faces with handkerchiefs, would march solemnly and respectfully in memory of a man who had dedicated his life to the theory of nonviolent protest in behalf of the dignity of man. There was going to be no violence in Atlanta that day. In all of my apprehensiveness I had failed to reckon with one great factor: this entire mass of nearly two hundred thousand mourners, every single one of them, was trying to honor Martin Luther King, Jr., just as he had lived his life. Just as he would have wanted it.

Except for the governor of Georgia, of course, who was in his office behind drawn blinds and a cordon of some hundred troopers. As the funeral procession slowly drew past the Capitol, one reporter raced up the steps and into the outer office and said he saw several of the governor’s aides peeking through the blinds and making jokes. . . . I remember glancing over toward the Capitol and thanking God that I was on the side I was on, instead of on the side of the racists who have plagued Georgia and the rest of the South for more than one hundred years.

Ivan Allen Jr., mayor of Atlanta from 1962-1970, was the only Southern elected official to testify in favor of the pulic-accommodations portion of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Paul Hemphill’s new book, Leaving Birmingham: Notes of a Native Son, will be out from Viking in the fall.

Surviving High School

0

The two boys – Eric and Curt – grew up together, dreamers on a dead-end street. Overweight and unathletic, they shied away from rough sports and played with GJ. Joes in their back yards, preferring to conduct their wars in miniature. Down the block was a clan of tough kids, and on many afternoons one of the boys would have to fight his way home from school. “Curt and I were both the same,” remembers Eric. “We lived in a fantasy world, and we both got picked on a lot. “

Photography by Ralph Daniel

In middle school, Eric became known as a “no-account,” Curt as a “geek,” and by the time the two boys enrolled in Cobb County’s George Walton Comprehensive High School, they welcomed the opportunity to redefine themselves. They lost weight and sprouted tall; they grew their hair long and donned torn jeans and black T-shirts emblazoned with the logos of rock bands – the garb of the “freak.” In the parking lot they hung around with kids on Walton’s fringe, kids hopped up on anger and rebellion and in some cases, pot and liquor and acid and coke. In time, each of the boys would make a name for himself, becoming familiar to other students as a “character,” a bundle of idiosyncrasies, a voice sounding loud over the din.

For all their similarities, however, there is one big difference between Eric Stone and Curt Hersey. One survived high school. The other did not.

From his origins as a geek, Curt grew into an image of cocksureness: a skinny, slouchy kid with black, shoulder-length hair, a penchant for ’60s rock ‘n’ roll and a voice full of pseudo-California cool. He joined Walton’s Drama Gub and starred in plays, competed in the Academic Bowl, produced his own videos. He had a pretty girlfriend and, with money from a job at Wendy’s, made the payments on a rumbling, red Camaro Z28. He could circulate in rival cliques; he did not drink, use drugs or condone casual sex. In June, he graduated from Walton and prepared to enroll in Berry College. 

Eric was neither so fortunate, so smart or so strong-willed. This is his memory of himself: He first smoked pot at 13 and quickly established himself as one of the most notorious of Walton’s druggies. He let his kinky blond hair bloom into an enormous frizzball and grew conspicuous for his red eyes and wasted grin. Eric Stoned, the kids called him. Never much of a student, he flunked 10th grade and dropped out of school altogether in May 1987. “One day, I just decided I wasn’t going to go anymore,” he says. By that time, he had been introduced to the chemical pyrotechnics of LSD and would spend his weekends watching the shapes change on his TV and dinosaurs rise out of the earth. Not long after he dropped out, his parents expelled him from their home, and he took to living in the woods or breaking into churches and sleeping on the pews. On Halloween weekend he attended a Walton party and met an old girlfriend who told him what he himself suspected: “Eric, you’re dying.” The next morning, he phoned his mother, met her for breakfast and asked for help. He was admitted to Charter Peachford Hospital two weeks later and now works at a McDonald’s in Cobb County.

This is the story of how two teen-agers with such similar beginnings can come to such different ends. It is the story of Eric Stone and Curt Hersey and the millions of other adolescents stewing in the unforgiving melting pot of American high schools. It is the story of the opportunities available to stop the slide of kids like Eric and how those opportunities are too often squandered. It is the story of how parents can alert themselves to the intangibles separating the winners from the losers. It is the story of surviving high school.

High School. No other American institution is balanced so uneasily between the extremes of promise and perdition, dream and nightmare. For decades parents blithely accepted the notion that children entering the ninth grade were embarking on the best years of their lives, and the ears of sullen teen-agers rang with admonitions to enjoy these precious moments while they had the chance. Lately, with the news media rife with stories of teen-age suicide and malfeasance, the circle has broken, and parents worry that their charges are straying into gardens of corruption, vales of terror and tears.

The reality, of course, encompasses both extremes and obeys neither. High school, by definition, is a time of turmoil and transformation. It is a rite of initiation, and very few who participate in its mysteries emerge unchanged or unscathed. With their hormones in riot and the cherished purity of childhood receding like a dream, high-school students find themselves called upon to establish a stronghold in the precarious gap between innocence and experience. For a period of four years, their lives are defined and dominated by stark polarities: rebellion and obedience; anger and docility; individuality and conformity; idealism and cruelty; the desire to experiment and the need for safety. Although not a therapeutic setting, high school asks that a wild child exhibit self-control, that a passive child speak out, that a muddled child resolve his contradictions. Should the child succeed, he or she earns the right to be judged as an adult and to be held accountable by adult standards and laws.

It is an uncertain reward: the dawning of adulthood in a process as traumatic as childbirth. There are, however, no Lamaze classes for the parents of teen-agers, and while infants come into the world howling and desperate with need, adolescents pass through high school silent and wary and as secretive as Masons. They have their own clothes, customs, language, food, music and handshakes; they close their bedroom doors; they are the Mad Hatters of their own Wonderland, and they are at pains to reduce their parents to uncomprehending Alices.

Unfortunately, many parents respond to secrecy with withdrawal and to rejection with retreat. They trust themselves too little, and biology – the natural imperatives of “growing up” – too much. “At Oxford Book Store, scores of shelves in the childcare section are devoted to the rearing of children aged 1 to 13; only one is earmarked for parents with teen-agers. Psychologists, counselors and social workers tell stories of hyperactive children deprived of treatment and therapy at the magic age of 13; of kids with learning disabilities encouraged to “sink or swim”; of desperate psychological crises being written off as the inevitable “phases” of a teen-ager’s life; of parents who mistake storms of adolescent confusion for avowals of self-determination and try not to “interfere”; of parents who think they don’t have to be parents anymore.

They inevitably discover they are sadly, even tragically, mistaken. They do have to be parents; their boy’s first shave does not excuse abdication of responsibility any more than their boy’s first step. Indeed, the intricacies of adolescence test the skills of the parent – and require parenting – as thoroughly as the first days of infancy.

Suddenly the parent walks a tightrope that punishes both arrogance and indecision. Suddenly art works better than science, and mother and father must re-examine the shifting lines of their dominion: Should rebellion be crushed or encouraged? Should experimentation be treated or tolerated? That glum face, that failing grade is it depression or self-pity, disability or simple disinclination? In the absence of ready answers, parents must rely on instinct; in the absence of unerring instinct, they must seek education.

Education. For a mother who recalls suckling her son or a father who remembers romping through playgrounds with his daughter, the word must rankle, must serve as a bitter reminder of our culture’s addiction to complexity. What can anyone teach me about my child that I don’t already know? There might be someone who knows more about algebra and trigonometry, but no one knows more about my kid. For years, such attitudes bolstered the invisible boundaries of the American family and rallied the troops in times of crisis. Over the past generation, however, as the family unit has undergone a dramatic mutation, schools have followed suit, evolving so rapidly that both adolescent psychologists and students at Walton sound a common refrain: “Parents don’t know what goes on here. “

It is not a novel complaint. Since the first rush of rock ‘n’ roll signaled the advent of a full-blown youth culture, high school students have tended to succumb to their own brand of chauvinism, accusing their parents of an inability to appreciate the complexities of adolescent life. In light of the realities facing the class of 1989, however, parental ignorance no longer seems cute or cartoonish or even a matter of hip vs. square. For some families it is a matter of life vs. death. Allover Atlanta there are drug-treatment centers populated by kids who cut classes, committed crimes, ran away from home, slept on the floors of roadside rest rooms and were never asked if they were using drugs. There is the drinking condoned until the car wreck and the unnoticed depression that mounts into suicide.

“Generally, a parent does not enlist the help of a crisis-prevention program until the child’s crisis becomes the parent’s crisis,” says Babs Pirkle, past president of the Walton Parent-Teacher-Student Association. “Parents say, ‘I’m so tired of hearing about drugs and alcohol. Can’t you find something else to have our PTSA programs on?’ If we had a seminar on teen suicide tomorrow night, out of approximately 2,200 kids, there might be 10 or 20 parents here.”

Such lapses in parental vigilance may be forgiven, if not totally excused. From the blur of statistics and the bray of the media, there often spring weariness and resignation, a learned helplessness in the face of trends that are seemingly beyond individual control. Fortunately, this country has not suffered its upheavals entirely in vain, has not struggled with drugs, suicide and the dissolution of the family completely immune to insight. Over the years, from America’s vast apparatus of hospitals, treatment centers, encounter groups, counselors, social workers, social scientists and psychologists, there has emerged a profile of the child who is at risk for self-destructive behavior. It is a democratic profile. The child is neither rich nor poor. The child does not have to be scruffy, rowdy, slow or criminal. The child is simply one of the 20 percent of the American population somehow disposed – by genetics, family history or environment – to abuse food, alcohol, drugs or sex. In some treatment centers they are called “dry druggies” – addicts waiting to happen. 

According to experts, parents have recourse to only one reliable mechanism, and that is education. Twenty years ago, parents seeking to educate themselves and their children about drugs might have grabbed a few pamphlets from the doctor’s office and learned the shape and smell of a marijuana joint, where to look for track marks, the side effects of LSD. Today educating a child about drugs and alcohol means undertaking a clear-eyed and coldhearted assessment of risk. Does chemical dependence run in the family? Has either parent’ struggled with addiction? Does the child exhibit emotional dependence, a fondness for medication, a bottomless self-image? If so, the child should know that he may be carrying a sometimes terminal disease – the disease that justifies the existence of all those hospitals and treatment centers ringing Atlanta, the disease that spared Curt Hersey and almost killed Eric Stone. 

Eric Stone is clean now. In the manner prescribed by Alcoholics Anonymous and Narcotics Anonymous, he hit bottom, sought treatment, bounced back. These days he works in a McDonald’s not far from where he went to school, and every so often an old classmate from Walton will stop in for a burger, acknowledging him with a nod or a wink. He wears a blue tie smudged with grease, blue slacks, black motorcycle boots; in his shirt pocket he keeps a pack of unfiltered Pall Malls. He is a big, friendly kid with thick chapped lips and wavy blond hair cut to suburban standards. Every so often, when he talks about the old days, he’ll remember scoring some good Jamaican pot or some pure acid, and his face will wash over with nostalgia – his eyes will scrunch up, and his lips will erupt into a big, stoned grin.

Eric blames himself for his problems. Nothing could have stopped him, he says; he hated school, loved getting stoned, and that was that. For him to heal, he had to hit bottom, had to face death. No other way. At the hospital, he learned that once the process of addiction is started, it tends to move in a predictable and circumscribed direction: down.

But perhaps Eric was not completely responsible for all that has happened to him. From the moment he first hit the halls of Walton, Eric Stone was a walking inventory of susceptibility, the quintessential adolescent at risk. He was adopted. He says “documentation shows that his natural parents used drugs. He was slightly dyslexic and had spent most of his school days struggling with his disability. He did not get along with his adopted parents. He cut out of the house at night. He thought of himself as a nobody. In short, he was ready to fall through the cracks.

Falling through the cracks. For a cliché, the phrase is mighty versatile and descriptive, and at Walton it is part of the lingo. The kids use it – so do the teachers, counselors and administrators – to describe what happens to the loners, druggies, dropouts and suicides. They look around at the masses scarfing pizza and salads and baked potatoes in the lunchroom, and they say, “In a school this big, it is easy for kids to fall through the cracks.”

Created in 1976 to receive the overflow of students in surging East Cobb, Walton High School might have been designed to facilitate psychological free-falls. It is huge – around 2,100 kids in four grades. It is affluent – not a single student lives in an apartment, according to school officials. It is academically oriented – 90 percent of the kids go to college. It is image-obsessed and self-consciously pointed toward the future: it calls its library “the media center” and its cafeteria “the commons”; it produces an annual video yearbook to complement the standard bound edition; it does not have a school paper. It is, in fact, a glittering reflection of the thriving subdivisions that feed it, and for the most part the students verify the opinion of assistant principal Tom Higgins: “These kids buy into what America is selling.”

Unfortunately, every photo has its negative, and every gilded surface its underside. “A school of excellence” such as Walton often cannot reconcile itself to those who don’t excel. In recent years, certain incidents have exposed a darkness at the edge of Walton’s carefully constructed image: A few years ago a drunken Walton student stabbed a student from rival Wheeler High to death; two years ago a Walton student masterminded a rampage of arson and vandalism through Cobb Country businesses and schools, including Walton; last year a senior killed himself six weeks into the fall semester. The explanation, voiced by several Walton students interviewed for this article: “Well, he was new.” (By the end of the 1987-88 school year, eight students had killed themselves in Cobb County.) 

The words “he was new” echo through the halls of Walton almost as often as “falling through the cracks.” A lot of the school’s students are new. Although she does not keep statistics on the number of students who transfer to Walton from other school systems, Lib Newton, head of the guidance department, guesses that at least 20 percent ‘of the students come from “somewhere else” and knows that very few were born and raised in Cobb County. Newcomers often do not find Walton – like other affluent suburban high schools – an easy place in which to thrive. Neither, for that matter, do the legions of kids who are not particularly handsome, pretty, smart, rich, talented, athletic, witty or outspoken – the kids at the dead center of the bell curve. For these students high school can become a struggle for self-definition, conducted in a society as harsh and vast and unyielding as any conjured up by the naturalistic novelists of the 19th century.

“In small schools, most kids have a role because there are enough slots for everybody,” says Dr. Catherine Blusiewicz, an adolescent psychologist in DeKalb County. “In a big school, though, there’s a lot more students, but you still have only 40 kids on the football team, seven girls in homecoming court, 50 kids in the band. So there’s this large group of kids in the middle ground walking around undefined.”

Touring the halls of Walton High School, it is difficult not to be impressed by the sheer size of the students, by their physical beauty, by their flair and style. Interviews reveal their sophistication and incredible media savvy. But most startling is their awesome capability to categorize their comrades. These kids keep mental dossiers. Like employees at a large corporation, they can provide rapid-fire job descriptions of anyone within shouting distance. Jock. Bop. Twinkie. Born Again. Geek. Freak. New Wave. Skinhead. Art Snob. Pseudo Art Snob. They know the arcane secrets of each group (for instance, that “all the Born Agains work at the Chick-fil-A”), where each group sits for lunch and, most importantly, their own place. At one table a slight, pimply boy was asked if he was a jock. “No,” he said, “but I wish I was.”

“Then what are you?”

“I’m ROTC,” the boy answered.

“Where is that on the social scale?”

“Oh,” the boy answered matter-of- factly, “we’re the lowest. We’re lower than the freaks. There’s the jocks and bops, then there’s the freaks, and then there’s us.”

For most parents the term peer pressure stirs up images of other kids prodding their children to misbehave. For students at many suburban high schools, peer pressure is something different: the pressure to announce yourself, to accept a tag stating your name, rank and musical preference. Says Walton’s Angel Thomas, a garrulous girl in artfully tom jeans, “The minute you come here, you get asked, ‘What are you? What kind of music do you listen to? Do you do drugs?’ All these things you can and can’t do.”

When Eric Stone entered Walton in the ninth grade, he knew very well what he could and couldn’t do. He couldn’t excel at schoolwork. He couldn’t be a Casanova – he was too shy with girls. He couldn’t be what he calls “one of those intimidating, dominating guys with big arms pushing kids around in the halls.” And yet he wanted to be somebody at Walton – so he cast his lot with the freaks and found something he could do very well.

“If you wanted a name for yourself,” says Eric, “you either had to be real good at football, real good-looking or real fucked up. I was the third.” 

They sit in the comer of the cafeteria, backs against the wall, four of them at a table usually occupied by 12. Eight have either been suspended or are cutting lunch period. An administrator walks by, and they give him a fascist salute, a mocking Sieg Heil. He does not acknowledge them. A few weeks earlier a food fight had rocked the calm of the cafeteria, a bowl of mashed potatoes had been upended on a coach’s head, and these boys with the long hair and the black heavy-metal T-shirts – these freaks – had shouldered the blame.

They do not match the image that has come to personify Walton students. They are not blond and sassy; they do not wear penny loafers or mousse their hair. Two of them have Italian surnames; one rubs a 5-o’clock shadow; one sports an earring the shape of a crucifix. They all have written messages and phone numbers on their forearms, the ink: sinking into their skin like homemade tattoos. Once the administrator stalks past their table, they begin to complain about the way they are treated: “You know, it’s like, ‘hair and black, you lose,’ ” says Chris Angelo, leader of the pack. “Just because you don’t fit in, then they [the administration] are like, ‘You don’t even exist here.’ ” 

Yet despite the complaints and suspensions, 1988 has been a pretty good year for Walton’s freaks and metalheads. A few years ago a group of jocks called hard-asses – beefy kids with a grudge against those who didn’t share the Walton spirit – waged war against them. “There was fighting all the time,” Chris Angelo says. This year it has been different. This year a beautiful blond bop named Jessica Hall dumped her jock boyfriend – out of boredom, she says – and went after Chris Angelo. She dropped notes in his locker, wrote messages in his schoolbooks and, she says, “became obsessed with him.” Soon he reciprocated, and for a while the relationship might have been inspired by an early-‘6Os torch song, the young lovers ostracized by their friends for violating Walton’s social code. She was “degrading herself”; he had “sold out.” In time, though, Chris and Jessica would initiate a small-scale revolution, and now some of the freaks like to flip open their wallets and show off pictures of their boppy girlfriends. 

It is hardly a new story. It is, in fact, a classic theme of high school mythology – the lure of the rebel, the bad boy, the greaser, the freak. In 1988, however, a parent whose child gravitates beyond the pale of social convention must answer a question: Is my kid’s attraction to the fringe element a manifestation of normal adolescent unrest, or is it a symptom of something dangerous? When Atlanta hospitals and treatment centers hand out information sheets describing the telltale signs of drug abuse, the flyers inevitably warn parents to watch out for a fixation on rock music and its iconography, for abrupt shifts in hairstyle and dress and, most importantly, for unexplained changes in an adolescent’s circle of friends. They tell parents, in other words, to watch out for kids like Chris Angelo.

But the world is never as uncomplicated as pamphlets and flyers imply. Appearances deceive. Chris Angelo makes good grades and wants to go to the Air Force Academy. An English teacher who has spent time talking to “the longhairs” says, “these kids often have a lot more to say than the ones in the penny loafers and Generra [a popular and expensive brand of clothing].” According to many Walton students, the jocks and “the popular kids” indulge in as many drugs as the boys and girls in the shadows. “It turns out that the majority of kids in this school who do drugs are the kids you would never suspect,” says Robin Holman, a cheerleader and art student. “They just don’t get pegged.”

Indeed, if parents listen long enough to students, psychologists and counselors, they will reach the distressing conclusion that no one is above suspicion. No one escapes the specter of risk. On the one hand, the rebellious child is always but a step away from “acting out” – the psychological term for turning tension into trouble. On the other, the quiet, studious child may flirt with depression, the high school hero may front a dysfunctional family, and the chipper homecoming queen may maintain her figure through an eating disorder. (The anorexic, in particular, is often characterized by an aversion to open rebellion.) Rage and rebellion are the hallmarks of teen-age life, and for parent and child to survive, they must reconcile themselves to these dark forces, carefully balancing indulgence against repression.

So what is a parent to do when a child starts to dress in eccentric clothing and hang out with self-styled outcasts and misfits? Says Dr. Blusiewicz: “Find out why. When you look at your child’s friends, find out why he or she is drawn to them. Is the group organized around some kind of skill, or is it organized around failure? Some kids – especially new kids – go to fringe groups because they are the easiest to fit in with. There are no standards; they don’t have to compete. But just as the group is the easiest to get into, it’s the easiest to fall out of, and when they fall, there is no support … I’m a big believer in activities. You know, the band kids may be nerdy, but there’s 60 of them, and they get in a bus and joke around.”

“If parents stick to some basic norms, then they can be confident that their kids will be able to get past whatever phase he or she is going through,” says Ellen Singer, a family therapist in Cobb County. “Are the kids passing school? Are they drug and alcohol free? If they are following these tenets, who cares what they wear or how long they grow their hair? Is your only gripe that your daughter brings home a greaser? Then forget it. “

In ninth grade Curt Hersey joined what he now calls “the bad crowd.” He flunked two classes and glimpsed, in the fates of his potsmoking friends, what the future had in store for him. “I’m glad I hung around with some of those guys, because I saw what drugs were doing to them and didn’t want any part of that.” Although he never cut his hair and never abandoned his Led Zeppelin T-shirts, he retreated to Walton’s creative flank and stayed there until graduation, “a crowd of one.” All through high school, however, he obeyed his parents’ dictum to “care for people weaker than yourself” and brought home a succession of kids who were having trouble with their families – kids who were fighting with their parents, kids who had been kicked out of their homes.

“Curt was always picking up strays,” says his father, Les. “We welcomed everybody, and, believe me, he brought home some strange children. But they were good kids at heart, and we never had an anxious moment with Curt.”

Eric Stone, on the other hand, was more committed to a single course of action, and by the 10th grade, his dedication to altered states of consciousness had won him some of the notoriety he craved. “I wasn’t famous,” he says, “I was infamous. People used to pass me in the halls and say, ‘Look at that burnout.’ ” One of his classmates remembers him pulling a notebook off her desk, leafing through it and then saying, in a thickened, foggy voice, “Oh wow.” Although some of his friends – including Curt Hersey – implored him to clean up his act, he wouldn’t, or couldn’t. For years he had struggled in school, and his struggle had never paid off. Now he had given up the fight, and he was having fun.

“School and I never got along,” says Eric. “From the first grade on up.” The phrasing is revealing. Like many kids with learning disabilities, Eric considered himself a failure and quietly despised the institutions – elementary school, middle school, high school – that had brought him so low. In time his learning disabilities would inspire behavior disorders, and his behavior disorders would intensify his war against the classroom. “Behavior disorders and learning disabilities go hand in hand,” says Tweetie Moore, director of the New School, a special school for children with learning problems. “I have never seen an LD child who didn’t have low self-esteem and wasn’t acting out in some way. We don’t even differentiate between learning disabilities and behavior disorders here.”

At Walton Eric took courses provided by the school’s special education department. In all public schools there is, by law, a program designed for children with learning or behavioral dysfunctions; Walton’s employs seven teachers and caters to approximately 100 students. Some are dyslexic; some have difficulties with short-term memory or auditory processing; some are, in the words of special education department chairman Susan Case, “emotionally committed to failing”; some are gifted; some have behavioral problems. Once the students are tested and diagnosed as candidates for special education, they work with the department’s teachers to improve their study skills and motivation, and they attend both special-ed and “team-taught” classes – that is, classes taught by a combination of special-ed and regular faculty.

For many Walton students the department’s programs are more than sufficient; Susan Case says that about half her LD kids go on to college. For Eric Stone, however, the special education department could do virtually nothing. He would meet with his teachers; he would meet with his parents and his teachers; and then he would go out and get high. “We can provide all the help in the world,” Case says, “but if a student doesn’t want to accept it, there’s nothing we can do.”

Amazingly, Case says she never knew that Eric was using drugs. Over the past few years, various treatment centers have established satellites in the suburbs and have hired counselors to travel from school to school and alert teachers to the symptoms of drug use. In 1987 Cobb County appointed two full-time “crisis consultants” to assume part of the drug-education burden. They are not enough. Parents who think that such programs are going to root the menace of drugs from schools need only look as far ~ Eric Stone. For years he played the role of pothead; he flaunted it, reveled in it, and when nobody caught him, he regarded himself as a Ferris Bueller-type figure – wily, charmed, above the law. The only people who didn’t know he was stoned were his teachers.

It is because of students like Eric Stone that Tweetie Moore recommends a therapeutic approach for children with learning disabilities. “At a lot of public schools, these kids either get no treatment or they get a period a day,” she says. “You can’t treat pieces of kids. We get kids who for years have gone to school and just sat there. How many years can you let them sit?” At the New School both parents and students must participate in group sessions with their peers, and students work at a curriculum designed to “give them the experience of success.” 

“A lot of these kids have failed so often they think you can’t do anything about failure. We try to teach them that you sure can.”

The New School also asks parents to sign a “policy statement” when they enroll their child. The policy statement reserves the school “the right to search a student, his/ her belongings and his/her vehicle . . . [and to collect urine samples for drug screenings] should student exhibit behavior that leads a staff member . . . to suspect that the student has used an illegal substance or is in possession of an illegal substance.”

“We’re very up-front with what we expect from our kids and what we expect from our parents,” says Moore. 

Walton High School has four guidance counselors for its 2,100 students. Cobb County has 15 school psychologists for all its 78 schools. It has two crisis consultants who educate faculty, intervene in the aftermath of suicides and work to connect troubled kids with treatment centers and hospitals. They are federally funded, and when the funding runs out, they may not have jobs. Susan Case says a school is in the business of education, not therapy. Parents with a child like Eric Stone cannot depend on the school system to stop his fall. They have to rely on themselves.

“It doesn’t matter where children fit in,” says Liz Jones, one of Cobb’s crisis consultants, “as long as their family offers the proper love and support.”

Eric, however, says that from the onset of his school years, he did not get along with his adopted parents. In elementary school, he says, “there was always a lot of friction because I was never good in school and that was my dad’s big thing.” In middle school tests identified Eric’s dyslexia, but no one could prod him to apply himself to schoolwork. He ran away from home for the first time just before the release of final report cards in eighth grade. A pattern was established: “Sometimes my mom would throw me out and sometimes I would just leave.

Most of the time I stayed with friends; sometimes I just wandered around.” By the time Eric reached 10th grade, Frank and Aloma Stone had lost control of their son, and out of desperation Mrs. Stone attended a ToughLove meeting. She never went back. 

“ToughLove was for kids on drugs. I didn’t think that was a problem we had with Eric,” she said. 

Mrs. Stone was not quite accurate in her assessment.

Often an organization of last resort, ToughLove was created to give parents power – to provide them with enough peer support to “take a stand” with their children. According to Rod Revels, representative for ToughLove in Georgia, the group encourages confrontation and teaches that “kids are responsible for their own actions.” Not a quick fix, ToughLove works with parents who over the years have ceded control to their children and now want it back. Predictably, the children often rebel against the challenge to their authority, and the parent has to call in other ToughLove parents for a show of force.

Although ToughLove’s methods have not met with universal approval, the organization’s very existence – and popularity within the psychotherapeutic community – signals a turnabout in the nation’s attitudes toward parenting. Teachers at Walton, and the counselors and psychologists treating the kids who have gone astray, repeatedly condemn the parents who “look to the schools to raise their children,” who “need acceptance from their kids,” who “have lost confidence in setting limits,” who “want to be kids more than they want to be parents.” Once considered the vanguard of a permissive society, psychologists now lead the call for parents to reassert their traditional dominion.

“Families become dysfunctional when the rules change a lot,” says Scott Andersen, program director of Brawner Psychiatric Institute’s adolescent units. “When kids get into trouble, they’re begging for someone to say no, they’re begging for limits. Parents need to understand that their job is to say no. Kids don’t want their parents to be friends. They want them to be Mom and Dad.”

Yet once again the inevitable contradictions of raising children muddle the consensus. According to Andersen, if a child is having a crisis, “the most important thing that a parent can do is tell him you are going to fix it. You don’t have to know how; you just have to know that you’re going to do it, and the kid has to know that you’re going to do it. That’s half the battle.”

At the same time, however, many therapists call upon parents to “quit rescuing their children from the consequences of their actions.” Says Ellen Singer: “Consequences are still the best teacher. Sometimes you just have to say, ‘OK, young man, here it is: This is your life.’

“You can let them learn from failure,” adds Singer, “unless alcohol and drugs are involved. Because then a disease has been introduced, and free will has been taken away.”

In the summer after he dropped out of Walton, Eric Stone left home for the last time. Asked to relinquish the keys to his motorcycle, he argued with his father, and soon the argument turned violent. “Some weapons were involved,” Eric says, preferring not to give details. “The cops were called, and I headed out.” By this time he had an appointment with the Bottom. He moved into a friend’s house, and then into a friend’s car, and then, when the car was impounded, into a lean-to in the woods, a former home for hoboes. During the day, he wandered the streets, and as October blew in, he started to shiver. Finally, on Halloween, his former girlfriend told him

to look at himself, and at last somebody got through to him. He looked at himself, didn’t like what he saw, and phoned home. “My mother said I could come home if I went into rehab.” He dropped acid one more time, at a Pink Floyd concert, and then checked into Charter Peachford, he says.

For kids like Eric Stone, the treatment centers and the hospitals are often the last stop before death. To pass through the locked doors of Brawner Psychiatric Institute’s adolescent units, for example, is to intrude upon a village of the prematurely damned. Yes, the kids look wholesome enough in their acid-washed jeans and oversized sweat shirts, and the halls echo with the clatter of air hockey and the whisper of teen-age gossip. When asked where they would be if they didn’t get treatment, however, almost all volunteer the same answer. The 13-year-old boy, still wearing the T-shirt of his elementary school, addicted to “huffing gasoline and hairspray” . . . the girl whose father broke her fingers as a form of discipline. . . the boy who skipped school for two years without anyone taking notice … the pint-size dealer who carried a gun to school. . . . They all say the same thing. They say they would be dead.

For the most part, they are addicts and alcoholics, given to outrageous benders, and they ably demonstrate the intimacy of drugs and depression, the faint line between chemical dependence and emotional collapse. Indeed, while many therapists insist that addiction masks a deeper unrest, a growing contingent holds that chemical dependence is a primary disease, sneaking out of the genes and nervous systems of the unlucky. Addicts, in this formulation, are both born and made. “With the kids we see, the constant variable is chemical dependency,” says Dr. Mike Carpenter, a Cobb crisis consultant. “Either in themselves or somewhere in their family.”

The case of Toby Otterburn reveals the difficulty of deciding whether chemicals are the cause or the effect. A patient at Straight, a treatment center in Marietta, Toby says he started smoking and dealing pot in sixth grade. As his dependence mounted, he flunked his classes, switched schools, stole money, pilfered drugs from his father’s veterinary practice, and eventually forced his parents to buy a safe for their cash and belongings. He shaved the sides of his head and let his red bangs grow to his chin. He could not, he says, “look a single person in the eye.” To help him, his parents took him to the man who was supposedly “the best psychiatrist in North Carolina.” The psychiatrist never asked if he was using drugs. 

“I used to go to his office stoned,” Toby says. “It baffled me: ‘This guy’s supposed to be the best, and it’s never crossed his mind that I’m a druggie.’ I tried to get better, but I always got worse. I knew I was messing up. I had no family relationships, no friends, and I felt like crap about myself. But I couldn’t admit it was drugs. I thought everything else was a mess, but the drugs were OK. I protected my habit. Be that’s all I had; I was living for drugs, and if you took them away, what would be left? What was I going to do without them? Play Putt-Putt?”

The jets from Dobbins Air Force Base shriek overhead, and the mud-streaked Camaros and Firebirds fill the parking lot of Oakwood, Cobb County’s alternative high school. The boys and girls empty out of the cars, stamp out their cigarettes, and head for the full-length mirrors by the entrance to the school. The boys, by and large, sport scruffy, unconventional hairstyles, and the girls wear tight jeans and high heels. Yet when they get to the mirrors, they look at themselves, and they preen and laugh. Carla Northcutt laughs, too.

The mirrors, after all, were Northcutt’s idea. As principal of Oakwood, she had come to the belief that these kids had been “dragged through the crap vat of life,” and she wanted to give them an opportunity to strut. From allover Cobb County, they had come to her, most of them failures in one way or another at their home schools, and she had given them another chance. In the halls they throw their arms around her shoulders and call her “Mama.” Once she leaves them, though, and heads back to her office, she smiles no longer. For years she has seen the dark side of Cobb County’s affluence – the kids damaged by broken families, undue expectations, and the rigid social categorization of other schools – and now she reaches an unsettling conclusion about American high schools.

“Society is sick, and that’s reflected in its institutions. High school is just another piece of the pie. It’s made of the same ingredients as the society at large. If the pie burns, so does high school.”

Right now, according to Northcutt and other professionals who work with troubled kids, the pie is already smoking. There is a consensus: in order to stop kids like Toby Otterburn from using drugs, society can’t just ask them to say no or send them off to play Putt-Putt. It has to give them something else. Says Iris Bolton, director of the Link, a counseling center with a highly regarded teen-suicide program: “A lot of kids don’t have meaning and purpose. They’re under pressure to get good grades, to go to a good college, to get a good job and make money. Then they look at their parents and see that none of this stuff guarantees happiness. The best way to teach a child is by example, and parents have to look at what their own lives are saying to their children.”

Children do not necessarily thrive in ease and comfort. “Parents have to give their children a role,” says Catherine Blusiewicz. “A lot of children today don’t even have chores. They don’t feel important to their parents. Often they don’t feel necessary in any area of their life. When I went to school, there were a lot of working-class kids whose jobs were absolutely critical to their families. High school is a very limited world. Parents have to broaden that world into something beyond what is dictated by the child’s peers. Children have to know that regardless of what their peers say, they always have a role in the family.” “A person who is going to survive life is going to survive high school,” says Carla Northcutt. “But high school doesn’t teach those skills. Those skills are spiritual. Those skills are from your parents and your family.”

Although Eric Stone did not survive high school, he is, so far, surviving life. He touched bottom and somehow found strength and the will to live. He is lucky. For some people, he says, “the only bottom is death.” Now as he looks back over his ordeal, he just shakes his head. “As young as I am, I’ve had it pretty rough – and it’s all my fault.”

Occasionally, Curt Hersey drops by Eric’s house, and the two boys play pool like they did in the old days. Curt is the high school survivor – the nonconformist who managed to get by on his own terms. But apparently he did not survive without strain. 

Two days after he graduated from Walton, Curt went to his doctor with stomach cramps. The doctors initially diagnosed an ulcer and then changed their minds. To this day, as Curt prepares to go to college, they can’t figure out the source of the problem.

Warning Signs
When ATLANTA Magazine asked counselors, psychologists and social workers to identify the symptons of teenagers in trouble, they answered: 

1. An overwhelming desire for isolation. Troubled teens sequester themselves from the family and do not share in the family’s emotional life. The televsion or the stereo is always on.

2. The abandonment of old friends. Often, troubled teens will not want to introduce their new friends to their parents.

3. A change in attitudes. “A lot of times, the thought changes before the behavior,” says Barry Lockenbach, a counselor at Straight. “There is a change in the clothing they wear and a change in their hygiene. They use more slang and profanity, and they show less respect for authority. Often, they turn away from their spiritual beliefs.”

4. Running away or sneaking out of theh ouse in the middle of the night.

5. Frequent automobile accidents.

6. Dropping grades, dwindling interest in sports and extracurricular activities. “Just by looking at a kid’s record, you can usually tell when he began smoking pot,” says Carla Northcutt, principal of Oakwood High School.

7. Trouble holding a job.

8. Stealing money from parents.

9. Inability to follow home rule.

10. “The children to watch out for,” says Dr. Catherine Blusiewicz, “are the ones with no hope or interests — the ones who are always bored and show a lack of joy or enthusiasm and don’t participate in any activites.” —T.J.

Dealing with Teen-Age Sexuality
“Sex is not really a taboo type of thing,” says one Walton High School student and honor student. “It’s everybody. Personally, I don’t think you should only have sex when you’re married.”

Such a casual attitude — almost 60 percent of high school students polled by People magazine in 1987 were not virgins — can make even sophisticated ’80s parents feel frightened and helpless. Family psychologist Catherine Blusiewicz offers parents tips for dealing with their child’s sexuality.

“Encourage communcation about sex,” Blusiewicz recommends. “If sexuality is characterized as taboo — something that no one can even allude to — it becomes a source of rebellion. Teen-agers naturally think: ‘There must be something to it if it’s such a secret at home.’ ” 

Give teen-agers specific guidelines for acceptable behavior — no matter how sophisticated the teen-ager may seem. That may include curfews, limits on the number of nights they can go out, restrictions about the kinds of places they may go. Adult places, such as nightclubs, encourage adult behavior, which includes sex, Blusiewicz says. Make sure adult chaperones will be present at parties your child is invited to. These restrictions certainly won’t always be welcomed, but secretly most kids are relieved at not having to make their own choices, she says.

Overt sexual promiscuity in teen-agers — especially girls — is often a sign of depression, Blusiewicz says. Girls in this state of mind may dress too provocatively and wear too much makeup. She notes that teen-age sexual rebelliousness is common in families where parents are either too restrictive or too liberal about sex. “Parents need to strive for the middle ground,” she advises.

If parent-child communications stagnate, allow the child to seek advice about sex from another family member or adult friend of the family. If that doesn’t work, Blusiewicz says, professional counseling may be in order. —Melissa Harris

Mom, Dad … I’m a Geek
Not fitting in can be the most devastating experience of a teen-ager’s life. According to psychologists, it can provide a child with a negative self-image that often becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.

 How can a parent help a child who does not fit in, who is branded a “geek”? Unfortunately, while there may be a lot to say, there is not an awful lot to do. “There’s no way a parent can make a child feel better,” says Ellen Singer, a counselor with a practice in Cobb County. “The parent can love and encourage the child to be his or her own person, but if a child is suffering in school, there is no way a parent can change that child’s feelings.” 

Some tips: “Look around for ways the kid can be special. Whatever the child’s gift, look for a class or a club or some kind of evening program that bring it out. There are also wilderness programs — an outdoor camping or survival situation – that can force the child to use his gifts. All parents tell their kids how special they are; sometimes an experience outside the home can back up what the parent has been saying.

 “Encourage the child to bring somebody over to the house to spend the weekend; don’t let him fall into the trap of isolation. If the parent has ever had any similar experiences, it’s very important to look back and share that with.  the child. A kid looks at a parent as someone who has it all together; it is sometimes very comforting to know that has not always been the case.

. .. Most importantly, the parent should not pontificate or preach or try to cajole the kid away from his feelings. Empathy is the key. You give him a big hug and then cross your fingers.” —T.J.

Diseases of Obediance
Anorexia nervosa is a disease of obedience of the A student, the daddy’s girl, the overachiever. A few years ago, Dr. Nyda Williams Brown, a psychiatrist at Brawner Psychiatric Institute and one of Atlanta’s foremost authorities on anorexia and bulimia, had four patients from one Cobb County high school — three cheerleaders and one member of the homecoming court. Overall, about half of Dr. Brown’s patients are high school girls.

“Anorexics don’t rebel except by not eating,” says Brown. “Part of my job is to teach them more healthy ways to rebel and to tell parents that if their daughter skips school, that doesn’t mean that she is a moral degenerate. The parents have to be willing not to crush them. One of my patients was a 12- year-old girl who started going to school with her shirt on backwards. That was her rebellion, and that was OK.”

Anorexics are easy to spot. Bulimics are harder, especially as their compulsion progresses and they become expert in the art of vomiting. Dr. Brown’s tip: If you suspect your daughter is bulimic, try to catch her early, before she has learned how to hide it. Look, especially, for signs of vomit under the rim of the toilet. —T.J.

High School by the Numbers

  • Fifty-seven percent of high school students have lost their virginity; by age 19, eight in 10 males and seven in 10 females will have had intercourse. The average age for first-time sex is 16.9 years old.
  • One-third of students have sex at least monthly. Thirty-nine percent of these use birth control when having sex; most wait at least nine months after their first sexual encounter before seeking contraceptive advice.
  • Three thousand American high school girls become pregnant daily; more than 500,000 will have abortions. Only half of all teen mothers finish high school. 
  • Ninety-six percent of sexually active high school students know AIDS can be spread heterosexually; 26 percent say they have changed their behavior because of AIDS.
  • Forty-nine percent of parents say they talk to their teen-agers about sex at least every two months; only 22 percent of kids say they are honest with their parents when discussing sex. 
  • Slightly more than 23 percent of high school students smoked pot in 1987; in Georgia, that figure was 18 percent.
  • Over 42,000 senior high school students in Georgia smoked pot in 1987; nearly 3,000 seniors tried cocaine.
  • Sixty-four percent of Georgia’s high school seniors drank wine coolers in 1987; 61 percent drank beer.
  • The freshman year of high school, when students are 14-15 years old, is the age when more Cobb County students first tried beer, wine coolers, liquor, pot, uppers, downers, inhalants and hallucinogens. Of the 5.7 percent of Cobb County high school students who have used cocaine, most had their first experience with it between the ages of 14 and 17. Most teenagers’ beer drinking — 38.3 percent — is done at a “friend’s house,” Cobb students say. Almost 21 percent reported drinking beer at home.
  • Georgia ranked 48th in the United States (tied with Louisiana) last year in producing high school graduates, a drop from 39th in 1982.
  • Teen-aged suicide increased significantly in 1987 in several greater Atlanta counties. Cobb County, for example, had seven teen suicides during 1987, up from two in 1986. DeKalb County had four teen-age suicides in 1985, three in 1986, and six in 1987. Fulton County had seven teen-age suicides in 1985, four in 1986, and eight in 1987.
  • Approximately 80 percent of all teen suicides were using chemicals at the time of death. Sixty percent were chemically dependent. —M.H.

Survival Tips
ATLANTA Magazine asked psychologists, counselors, teachers and parents for tips on howto help your kids survive high school. This is what we heard:

Contracts work wonders. If your kid wants the car, make him agree to clean his room every day, or come home every night exactly at 10. If he signs a contract, then you have a piece of paper to fall back on. And if you set a cutfew; stick to it.” (Scott Andersen, Brawner Psychiatric Institute)

Listen to what your kids are saying. Some of it might sound ridiculous, but some of it will always make sense, and that’s what you should try to develop.”(Catherine Bluslewicz, adolescent psychologist) 

Turn off the damn TV and converse.” (Will Rumbaugh, Walton English teacher) . 

Confront your children! I see so many kids who say, ‘I come home stoned. My parents know it, and they ignore me.’ Keep asking questions. Keep trying to communicate. If that fails, then it might be time to see a counselor.” (Charles P. Stewart, Charter Peachford)

Kids have a problem sitting down and talking when you say, ‘Let’s have a talk.’ If you want to seriously talk to your kids, do the things you normally do, but do it with them. Say, ‘Hey, I have to go to the hardware store. Why don’t you come along?’ Then talk to them.” (Scott Andersen)

Instill a mind-set where the kid knows the family history and knows his risks for addiction. How many times do you hear of people basing their decision whether to drink on their family history? Unfortunately, not too often.” (Mike Carpenter, Cobb County Crisis Consultant) 

Accept their quirks [such as unconventional hairstyles and clothing]. Acceptance takes the power from them.” (Ellen Singer, counselor)

Parents shouldn’t say, ‘It’s only high school.’ They say, ‘Oh, forget it, you’re just upset because you have all these little things to do.’ They don’t realize that when you’re 17, school is your life; it’s your job. Of course it’s important.” (Angel Thomas, ’88 Walton graduate) 

I tell my kids, ‘You’re having trouble being a teen-ager? Remember, I’m having trouble being the mom of a teen-ager. Help me be a good teen-age mother.’ “(Carol Hale, teacher at Dunwoody High, mother of a teen-ager) —T.J.

Money Talks
When it came time for Walton High School’s 1988 prom, senior Larry Ritter wanted to make it something special. “Quite frankly, I was going to try to outdo everybody,” Ritter admits. “I was going to charter a helicopter, which actually would have been cheaper than a limousine. That would have been a nice entrance.”

So what was the problem?

“We had to eat,” Ritter explains, “and I figured out it would be tough going to dinner before the prom in a helicopter.”

In the end Ritter and his date had to settle for a plain old limousine. Some Walton kids were taking limos to school dances back when they were eighth-graders at Dickerson Middle School. By no means do Walton’s well accessoried adolescents hold a monopoly on materialism. Some public schools around the country have begun instating school uniforms to counteract what they call “fashion wars” – even at the elementary school level. “Their materialism is tied into the basic insecurity most teen-agers feel,” says one high school counselor. “All these things are the props that make them feel more accepted.”

Those props range from pricey sound systems to BMWs for graduation gifts. But the one occasion when everybody takes a shot at stealing the show is prom night. Most kids spend at least $200 or $300 apiece on prom night – and that’s expectation, not the exception. One Walton teacher likens it to Academy Awards night. 

Prom dresses at Bonnie’s Boutiqlle, a popular shop for Walton girls, range from $100 to $475. The majority of Walton girls have their dresses custom-made, says designer Roy Jordan. Senior girls often want full-length sequin dresses, he says. Matching shoes, purses and lingerie can run into $100 or more.

For boys there are tuxedos, which rent for around $50. “The prom students tend to go with more expensive tuxedos, Pierre Cardin coats and such,” says an employee of Gingiss Formalwear. 

Flowers for her – rose wrist corsages – begin at about $15. A stretch limo can rent for more than $60 an hour. (Couples usually “economize” here by sharing the cost.) Dinner must be at one of the city’s ritziest establishments. One Walton student says his dinner tab – which included chateaubriand – at Pano’s and Paul’s came to about $100. After the prom, which is little more than a quick stop for having photographs made, it is standard to proceed to a nearby hotel, where a few couples usually go in together on a room for unchaperoned partying. Add another $30 per person to the total. —M.H.

Suicide Threats: Danger or Manipulation
Most parents know that suicide has become a major topic of high school life. Most parents also know that their children are expert manipulators and will not be above intimating self-destruction if they think such talk will further their ends. One parent said her daughter went through a phase of saying, “Do you want me to commit suicide?” whenever she was being punished.

Parents who wonder what they· should do when faced by such threats should know that four out of five suicides talk about it first. 

“In this day and age, it’s unethical for a parent to minimize talk about suicide,” says Dr. Charles P. Stewart, medical director of adolescent services for Charter Peachford Hospital. 

“Parents should require the child early on to differentiate between a serious threat and manipulation. The parent should say: ‘If you are genuinely suicidal, we will go for help right now.” Make it clear that you will not tolerate that kind of manipulation, Pin them downright about it, and be prepared to follow through.” —T.J.

Looking Ahead
How many times should students take the ACT (American College Testing Assessment) or the Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT), and how should they prepare for these college admission tests?

Facts:

  • Research shows that of the students taking the SAT a second time, 65 percent receive higher scores and 35 percent receive lower scores. The higher the initial score, the more likely the second score will be lower and vice versa. 
  • About 20 to 25 percent of students take the ACT a second time. Of those who do, 55 percent score higher, 27 percent score lower and 18 percent retain the Same score. The average score gain is less than one point.
Recommendations:
  • The College Board, which administers the SAT, says a four-year college preparatory curriculum and the Preliminary Scholastic Aptitude Test (pSAT) are the best means of preparation for the SAT. The PSAT is a shorter, practice version of the SAT.
  • Students should take the PSAT in the fall of their sophomore or junior year ~ usually the junior year. The SAT should be taken in the spring of a student’s 11th-grade year. It is offered seven times a year in Georgia. 
  • Students can ask their counselors for Taking the SAT, the free practice book given out by the College Board. Some schools have software computer programs to help students prepare for both the PSAT and SAT. Additionally, booklets of retired tests, such as Ten SATs, are sold in bookstores.
  • The, College Board suggests students and parents find out what free help is available in the high school and what the student can do individually to improve his score before paying for a commercially offered SAT-readiness course.
  • The ACT is usually taken in the spring of the 11th grade or during the 12th grade. The test is offered five times a year.
  • P-ACT+ is the practice for the ACT, usually taken in October of the student’s 10th-grade year. Students are advised to pick up Preparing for the ACT assessment, the program’s official practice book. Some high schools offer ACT preparation courses. The American College Testing Program does not officially endorse any commercial test preparation.

Black Students
An irony of suburban high schools: Although black students are a tiny minority in a sea of white faces, they are insulated from some of the anxieties bedeviling their white classmates.

“When black students come here, they immediately know they have a group to hang with,” says one black student at Walton.

Another says, “We are able to fit in with all groups because we’re immediately classified as blacks, and not as ‘geeks’ or anything like that.”

Indeed, as they sit together at one cafeteria table, Walton’s black students broadcast a message that could be a universal tonic for kids with the high school blues: “We stick together and find strength in ourselves.”

“When someone commits suicide, we can’t sympathize, because none of us ever think about it,” says a black student. “The white kids aren’t as individually adjusted as we are. A white kid will say, ‘Omigod, this person doesn’t like me.’ We’re like, ‘We don’t care, because we never expected them to like us in the first place.’ We go on with it.” —T.J.

The Party’s Over

The tiny dance floor is packed. Guitar riffs flash like lightning from amplifiers three feet above the crush of swaying, sweating dancers. In the men’s room, a couple is clumsily trying to have sex standing in the toilet stall next to the overflowing urinal. “Put it there,” slurs the dark-haired woman to her obviously smashed partner. Outside, a tourist visiting from Toronto meets an attractive, well-educated woman, a chemist, she tells him. Half an hour later, they are having oral sex in the parking lot alongside someone’s parked van. He couldn’t remember her name. — Friday night at Carlos McGee’s, July 1981

In the men’s room, Michael, the valet, is dispensing condoms along with towels and cologne. He keeps them out of sight under the sink. ‘I’ve handed out two boxes since Thursday, he says. Outside, tanned, trim and elegantly dressed young people circle each other like mating peacocks. But behind the familiar ritual, there is a new and troubling uncertainty — a fear that disease and painful death may lurk just a kiss away. Just a kiss away. — Friday night at élan, July 1987

Photography by Kurt Fisher/Bed: Innovations

They sat there, two sultry orchids in the perfumed hothouse that is elan on a busy night. Donna, auburn-haired and full of figure, wore a clingy, purple dress; she had lived in New York and New Orleans before moving to Atlanta. Cindy was every Northern boy’s dream of a Southern girl, sparkly blue eyes and feathered blond hair, a cheerleader’s body sheathed in a tight turquoise dress set off by matching spike-heeled shoes. They were savvy and sassy, career-oriented, open and funny, the kind of women married guys convince themselves don’t exist – and single guys hesitate to approach. Women who make otherwise sane and settled men want to send the wife and kids off to visit her folks in Knoxville.

Both were recently divorced; neither was involved in a relationship. Work filled their days, but loneliness nibbled at the edges of their lives. They had come, they said, to dance and have a few drinks, to ease the tensions of the job and the burdens of single parenthood. They had come, driven like so many of us, in the hope of meeting that special someone. That hope seemed more distant and fragile than ever. There was hesitation in their eyes and a nervousness behind their smiles. They looked past the schools of slick-haired and Armani-attired predators who circled their table looking for an opening.

They were frightened to death of AIDS.

The fear might be groundless – the deadly epidemic does not appear to be moving rapidly into the general population — but it is real. It is threatening the nonstop party that has been underway in At1anta for the past 20 years. The lines may be as long as ever outside the Buckhead bars, and the after-hours action as frantic, but the last thought after the last drink on the couch is no longer, “Will he respect me in the morning?” 

“In the past, your pride was hurt,” says. Donna. “Now you can die. . .. .It’s not that my morality has changed. My dread of the A-word has increased.”

AIDS — acquired immune deficiency syndrome — is a disease that reaches beyond its victims. It has created a new medical category, the worried well, who suffer from a new syndrome: ‘FRAIDS. They’re everywhere in Atlanta: pinstriped professionals visiting doctors and therapists; suddenly meek good ol’ boys calling anonymously to the AIDS hotline; guilt-driven husbands and unfaithful wives surreptitiously visiting clinics to. be tested for the virus.

Donna, 39, is worried about “a mistake I may have made three years ago.” A bisexual lover? An intravenous drug user? She won’t explain. “You used to see those signs – SPEED KILLS,” she says reaching for her drink. “Now it’s SEX KILLS.” Cindy, 26, is concerned about men she hasn’t yet met. “How can you even tell if a guy’s been a homosexual?” she asks bleakly.

For that matter, how can you tell if he’s been with a woman who’s been with a bisexual infected with the virus? Or if that perky sorority sister has slept with a fraternity brother who had sex with an infected prostitute the last time Georgia played in the Sugar Bowl? The permutations are endless and terrifying. When you go to bed with someone, say the experts, every sexual partner in that person’s past is climbing in with you.

Both women have drastically reduced their sexual contacts. “I was much more willing to have brief encounters, brief friendships,” says Donna, a sales manager with a national corporation. She pauses. “Listen, most women don’t want one night stands, but it often works out that way.” She has dated “at least 20” men in the past year and gone to bed “with three or four.” Cindy won’t cite statistics; she’s “dated a lot, but only gone to bed with very, very few.” Even those nag at her. “So you date a guy for two months before going to bed with him. You let feelings come into play. Then you do it and hope to God. . . . But who’s going to stop in a moment of passion and say ‘Let’s take a test’?”

“It does no good to ask these questions,” agrees Donna. “A person’s sexual history is unknowable. Besides, how can you trust a man’s answers? . . . I personally would never go for a test. If I were positive, it would signal the end of my life. I don’t think I am, but who knows? I’m getting older. Who needs this grief?”

“The sexual revolution got out of hand,” says Cindy. “People screwing whoever they wanted, wherever they wanted. There’s nothing wrong with sexuality, but it’s wrong to pick up someone, screw them and leave them somewhere.” As she speaks, she is joined by George, a bulky man in a shiny brown suit with matching tie and yellow pocket handkerchief. George, who resembles the fighter Gerrie Coetzee, whisks Cindy off to the dance floor. They return; he finds the conversation none-too-promising. He begins to murmur earnestly into Cindy’s ear; the murmur quickly graduates to a nuzzle.

“Tell me,” asks Donna with a laugh. “Does this look like a man who is worried about AIDS?”

We are living in what will certainly be called the AIDS Era, as surely as we lived through the Vietnam Era. (In a few years, the epidemic will have claimed more lives than that unhappy war.) Like Vietnam, AIDS is cutting across every segment of society; It is divisive and destructive and may be, ultimately, unbeatable. A disease has become part of the national consciousness. Moralists debate its “meaning” from the lecturn and pulpit. (Have you ever heard anyone trying to “justify” cancer?) AIDS is the subject of cocktail party concern and tabloid gossip. It has already taken its place beside nuclear war in the nightmares of our children. “I haven’t heard an AIDS joke in a long time,” says Emory student Christie Constantino. “AIDS will affect everyone in the long run. It already has – we’re all worried about it.”

AIDS has become more than a devastating disease caused by a mindless agent existing on the borderline between the animate and the inanimate, between life and non-life. AIDS is more, linking as it does, sex with painful death, pitting as it does, traditional morality against two decades of sexual and personal liberation. AIDS raises, as Georgia State University sociologist Jackie Boles puts it, that ultimately troubling question: “Did Mom and Dad really know what was best for us?”

According to a national survey conducted last summer by the Los Angeles Times, nearly one in five Americans has radically changed his lifestyle (i.e. sexual behavior) because of fear of AIDS — a threefold increase since 1985. Most of the changes have been in the 18 to-24 age group, and among those who reported multiple sexual partners in the year preceding the poll. More than 10 percent of those surveyed said they had personally known someone who tested positive, contracted, or died from AIDS. The disease is now the second most-feared — after cancer — in the nation.

“Many of my patients are absolutely, astronomically frightened,” says Dr. Steven Morganstern, a well-known Atlanta urologist. “AIDS is something they know I can’t cure.” But Morganstern’s patients are typically not AIDS victims or risk group members. He’s treating world-weary college students convinced that commonplace urinary tract infections are “something lethal.” He’s working with a 32-year-old banker, symptomatic, yet free of any infection, a victim of what Morganstern calls the “galloping guilts.” And then there’s the psychiatrist. “He comes in and says ‘Steve, I trust you to the nth degree. I screwed this girl four months ago, and now I’m terrified. Please help me. Tell me what to do.’ And this is from an M.D.! A psychiatrist!”

Morganstern is also seeing the darker side: gay patients who test positive for HIV (human immunodeficiency virus, the agent that causes AIDS) “and continue to go out.” He’s convinced many people are indulging in reckless sexual behavior that will accelerate the spread of AIDS into the general population. He mentions a man he’s treating for genital warts (caused by human papilloma virus, which has been linked to cervical cancer in women). “This guy walks in and starts bragging about the chicks he’s going to bed with. . . . ‘This divorcee . . . this 23-year-old . . . this nurse.’ I’m standing there amazed! He’s a walking social indignity! He knows what he has, and he knows he’s putting every one of those women at risk.

“Sex is an extremely strong human drive,” Morganstern continues, groping for an explanation. “Sometimes it overrides rational behavior.” The doctor has put together a bit of safe sex dialogue he’d like incorporated into everyone’s single’s bar repertoire, a mantra to be endlessly repeated in the AIDS Era:

“I’m free of disease. Are you? I wouldn’t want to transmit anything to you. I know you wouldn’t want to transmit anything to me. Have you used IV drugs? Have you engaged in bisexual or homosexual activity? Do you have herpes? Do you have syphilis? Do you have warts?”

“Forget being swept away,” he mutters with the wisdom of a man who has spent too many years looking directly at other people’s mistakes and malfunctions. “When you meet someone in a bar and they want to go to bed with you, and you want to go to bed with them, remember, as fresh and exciting as that moment seems, it’s happened before – to both of you.”

Heterosexual victims — men and women infected through sexual contact with someone with AIDS or at risk for the disease — account for about 4 percent of all cases. (In Georgia there have been just 18 of these cases.) The overwhelming majority have been black and Hispanic women living in the Northeast and Florida whose sex partners were drug abusers. Nationwide, more than 40,500 persons have contracted AIDS; more than 23,000 have died; 1.5 million more may be infected with the virus, their fate uncertain. Ninety percent of these have been gay or bisexual men or IV drug abusers. Hemophilia- and blood transfusion-associated cases make up 3 percent of the total; unknowns, patients for whom information is incomplete (due to death, refusal to be interviewed, etc.) make up the final 3 percent of all adult cases. “We’re not seeing a dramatic shift in the kinds of cases,” says Dr. Harold Jaffe, chief of AIDS  epidemiology at the U.S. Centers for Disease Control in Atlanta.

In recent studies of heterosexuals seeking treatment at sexually transmitted disease clinics, none of 300 surveyed in Seattle tested positive for the AIDS virus; in Denver only one of 1,000 had been exposed. In Atlanta, only one of 92 prostitutes surveyed in a year-long study was infected. “This suggests very, very low rates in the general population,” says Jaffe.

Yet, the panic grows. Talk to any nurse in town about the fear on the hospital wards. (The CDC recently reported three health care workers had been infected, apparently by patients’ blood coming in contact with minor skin abrasions or acne.) AIDS can incubate for years; the virus spreads silently without symptoms. By some estimates, heterosexuals will comprise 9 percent of the 270,000 AIDS cases predicted for 1991. No one knows how many seemingly healthy people are infected with, or passing the virus to, others. And what can you say for sure about that seemingly healthy person standing next to you at the bar, or smiling at you across the crowded floor of the health club?

Harvey is convinced he’s going to get AIDS. He’s not gay or bisexual and doesn’t inject himself with illicit drugs. He is a construction worker who believes — despite all his precautions – that infected vaginal secretions will penetrate his scraped and scratched hands and perhaps he will die. His fear drove him to Atlanta’s first safe sex party for heterosexual males held last August. Harvey, a trim, darkhaired man in his late 20s, wanted information on “hand condoms” — known to the rest of the world as surgical gloves. 

Safe sex parties — organized by AID Atlanta, a nonprofit organization that ministers to AIDS patients and others affected by the disease — provide instruction and advice on how to avoid becoming infected or passing the virus on to others. The mood may be light, but the message is blunt and deadly serious. Nearly 2,000 gay men in Atlanta have attended these functions. (Estimates of AIDS virus infection in Atlanta’s gay community run as high as 30 percent.) In the last year, nervous heterosexual women — mostly professionals in their 20s — have begun to sign up. “The big fear among women,” says Lynn Hampton, one of the organizers, “is ‘How do I suggest using a condom? He’ll think I think he’s gay or I’m a slut.’ Rather than suggesting, many are abstaining from sex.”

The condom is king in the AIDS Era, a must for all but the most secure sexual partners. Atlanta pharmacies all report higher condom sales, with young women increasingly making purchases. The big seller is the traditional latex condom ($4 to $7 a dozen), but the upscale crowd is opting for lambskin ($25 per dozen), clearly the BMW of prophylactics. “It’s the folks on Habersham Road that want the lambskins,” says Steve Falkenhainer, manager of the King’s pharmacy in Peachtree Battle shopping center.

At the safe sex party, a candy bowl contained condoms of various textures and qualities (lubricated, ribbed, receptacled); later they were distributed as favors. Despite comedian Robin Williams’ lament that a condom makes his penis “look like a terrorist,” the hosts insisted that condoms could be imaginatively incorporated into foreplay; they were a. must for vaginal, anal, even oral sex — the latter a seemingly daunting proposition. “You can coat it with mouthwash or a little vanilla extract,” suggested Hampton wanly.

Harvey got to try on his hand condoms (“kinda kinky”), recommended for those who practice “mutual masturbation.” (The AIDS virus has been cultured from vaginal secretions and pre-ejaculatory fluids.) “In Atlanta, chances are you will never meet a woman who has AIDS,” said Hampton, but no one seemed to hear. When one party goer offered statistics that suggested the incidence of AIDS virus infection among heterosexuals who are neither members nor the sex partners of high-risk groups is one per 100,000 or lower, he was accused of having a bad attitude.

“This is war,” said Harvey. “When I go into battle, I go prepared.” In truth, Harvey had already surrendered. He later admitted he had given up sex entirely because of AIDS. The real surprise at the party was David. He was tall and curly-haired, a handsome, virile and sophisticated man, a lady-killer by anyone’s measure. He announced he’d been tested for the AIDS virus and was negative. “Why were you tested?” someone asked. “I’m a practicing bisexual,” he replied. The room fell silent. David was a living example of the bridge everyone is worried about, a pathway that could introduce AIDS into the heterosexual pool. In Minnesota, for example, one third of the AIDS cases have been bisexual men. At least two women in a Minneapolis swingers’ club were infected by such men.

David is not the stereotypical bisexual male — a male who marries and raises a family because it is what society demands, but is sexually and emotionally attracted to men. David loves women, and sleeps with them without telling them he is bisexual.

If AIDS does explode into the straight population, Atlanta may well be Ground Zero. Georgia is first nationwide in gonorrhea cases, fifth in the number of teen pregnancies. There are an estimated 3,000 drug addicts in Atlanta and a booming, convention-driven prostitute trade. Atlanta’s whores may not yet be infected with the AIDS virus, but fully 50 percent of them admit to using IV drugs. One of them admitted to having 5,000 sexual contacts. On Cypress Street, feral packs of male hustlers – many of them drug users – service the furtive needs of bisexual men, some of whom return to prosperous suburbs to join wives and children at Little League games. Many of these drug abusing hustlers have girlfriends who are prostitutes. “AIDS is a sexually transmitted disease,” says Ken South, the former director of AID Atlanta, “and Georgia is a sexually active state. This isn’t just a half dozen queers in Midtown having sex. Atlanta is a cauldron for infection.” 

Elaine sits in the living room of the elegant Tudor home. She is trim and attractive – tanned and toned to perfection. The air conditioner hums softly in the background. The lawn beyond the windows sweeps abruptly downward to Habersham Road. This is another Atlanta, separated from the mundane, workaday city by distance only money can measure. “I fear AIDS,” she says with a little shiver. “It’s out there.” She tries to remember when the uneasiness began. Perhaps when her dentist, then her electrolysist, began wearing gloves.

“At parties,” she says, “you know how you always talk about sex, religion, and politics – those three categories. AIDS is now a category.”

She’s read a lot, but like most people, doesn’t believe everything the government is telling her about the epidemic. She knows the disease is not supposed to be spread by casual contact. “[But] what if someone cuts himself in a restaurant and it’s transmitted?” she asks. Elaine and her husband, . George, travel a good deal. “We have a lot of friends in New York,” she says. “Everybody there knows someone who’s got it, who’s died from it. The feeling has filtered down.”

She’s worried about her children, both still preadolescents. She bought material for them to read. “Terrific stuff,” she says. “I want them to be educated.”

George takes many business trips. “I tell him ‘You better not fool around.’ It’s playful and joking. He tells me the same. I know he’s safe …. I’d cut his balls off.” Elaine says she has a lot of friends, successful career women, divorced or never married, approaching 40. “They’ve been fooling around since their 20s. They’ve banged a lot of eyes out. Now they’re terrified.”

And then she reveals one of Buckhead’s open secrets: another pathway for AIDS. “I know firsthand that a lot of men are seeing hookers. I’m talking about high-class hookers. It’s a way of life around here. They’re in unhappy relationships with their wives. This is how they cope.

“We’ll pay for it,” she laughs. “Us poor Buckhead wives.” 

Sociologist Jackie Boles is an expert in the field of so-called “deviate occupations” — prostitutes, strippers, etc. “Masturbation is OK,” she reports. “Voyeurism is nice. There’s definitely an increase in S&M activity among prostitutes’ requests. Think about it. You’re the customer and you are the only one who is bleeding.” She laughs raucously. “You’re the bleedee!” 

There is something more that makes Atlanta particularly susceptible to the terrors — real and imagined — of AIDS. Something beyond the reach of statistics and epidemiological surveys. Something to do with youth, sex, money, power and expectation. The perception of a once-tired city reborn and shaped in the image of tens of thousands of young people who were drawn here: rural Southerners escaping the choking grasp of small-town life; Northerners fleeing the bleak realities of the Rust Belt; blacks realizing the barriers were finally lifted; college kids eager to embark on life’s first adventures. A desire for life in the fast lane. . . a sense of limits to exceed and new horizons to explore.

An illusion, perhaps, but one powerful enough to make Atlanta one of the premier party towns in America for two decades.”It was personified liberation,” says Boles. “People came to Hotlanta. Young, ambitious, good-looking people who wanted to be free.” And they were. Bars and clubs sprouted like weeds – Billy’s and Harrison’s, elan and Limelight, Carlos McGee’s, Fitzgerald’s, Zazu’s, a hundred others, some with a half-life as short as plutonium 232 and about as explosive. Music played; whiskey flowed. Drugs were everywhere, easing the way past other barriers.

“Sex was safe for the first time,” says Boles. “If you got some disease, you got a shot of penicillin. You had birth control. You had cars. These happy occurrences all came at once.. . . All of a sudden sex was a natural, biological thing, like breathing. The more you do it, the healthier you are. Sex kept down psychoses and neuroses, cleaned out your pores, regulated your heartbeat. If you were overweight or drank too much, have sex. Sex could be substituted for all these other drives. Wasn’t that wonderful?” 

“Nobody ever died· from too much sex.

“And then,” continues Boles, “things started going wrong. Women weren’t using birth control; illegitimate births began to soar. Women got STDs from too many partners. They became sterile. You had herpes.”

And the lonely weight of all the onenight stands, and all the shameless; nameless encounters began to build. The foundations of newly liberated Atlanta suddenly seemed cracked and shaky; the old Atlanta, the bedrock, guilt-driven, Bible Belt town, began to stir and rumble. AIDS was suddenly among us.

People began to die from sex. There have been 864 cases of AIDS recorded in Georgia. Eighty percent of them are in Atlanta; 508 have died. By 1991, there will be 5,000 people in the city dying of AIDS. 

“Human beings always try to get meaning out of what is happening,” says Boles. “Why do we suddenly have a plague? The obvious lessons are being drawn, too easily I think: perhaps sex is not natural after all; maybe sex is  dangerous and has to be controlled. If not, we’re going to have chaos.” 

Roy Griffen knows chaos firsthand. The blue-eyed, 34-year-old Alabamian with the baseball catcher’s body is living everyone else’s nightmare. He has AIDS. Hospitalized four times in the past two years because of a debilitating diarrhea caused by an obscure parasite known as cryptosporida, Griffen recovered only to develop pneumocystis carinii pneumonia (the deadliest AIDS-related infection) last January.

“Don’t call me an AIDS victim,” he says sipping a root beer. “No one mugged me and gave me AIDS. I went out and got it myself.” When he speaks, there is an old man’s wheeze in his voice. His face is flushed and once again he has begun to cough up yellow-green sputum — all signs of recurrent pneumonia. Once, he worked outdoors and did all kinds of manual labor.

That seems such a long time ago. Now he admits he can’t walk two blocks without getting out of breath. Like so many other young people, Griffen came to Atlanta chasing a dream. Not to comer the real estate market or make partner in a big law firm. Griffen, a modest man whose roots run deep in the rocky soil of northern Alabama, wanted to be a landscaper. That and nothing more. He wasn’t gay until he was 26 years old. He’d married his childhood sweetheart, spent six years in the Air Force, even got in a year of college. He was the first on either side of his family to finish high school.

Deep down, he knew he was different. He loved Marilyn dearly and never strayed as long as they were married. He understood just how different he was in one of those strange flashes of insight: “My wife and I were shopping. I realized we were both looking at the same man.” It troubled him.

“I was raised to believe that gays were dirty old men in the bushes,” he says. “I was not that way. So I told myself I mustn’t be gay. It was a very slow process coming to terms with these feelings.”

He told his wife the marriage was over. “She blamed herself,” he says. “I said ‘If you were Dolly Parton, I’d still feel the same way.’ ” Griffen “came out” eight years ago and enjoyed his new-found sexual freedom.

“I tired of that very quickly,” he says. “I wanted to settle into a real lifestyle. “

He must have been infected almost immediately.

Griffen arrived in Atlanta in 1984, the AIDS virus already singing in his blood. He began working with a landscaper learning the trade. Within a year he began to get sick. “I knew I had AIDS long before they told me,” he says. “I was hoping it was something else.” He wanted to die at home. He was a Southerner and this is what Southerners have always done. “My grandfather was an invalid for nine years and we took care of him. We never thought of a nursing home,” he says. Griffen wanted to stay in an old trailer next to his grandmother’s house. “I was very sick. I had no insurance. One of my aunts told the rest of my family I had AIDS. She said she could tell from my voice.”

They turned him away.

“My family is afraid of AIDS. They live in a very rural area. People would mark them. They’d be outcasts.”

This is what he says now. At the time, he tried to kill himself. A year ago he met Bud; both men were suffering from ARC, or AIDS-related complex, a debilitating assortment of symptoms and so-called “opportunistic infections” that are often precursors to full-blown AIDS. The two men grew close. Sex was never an issue.

“I’ve had no sex drive for a long, long time,” says Griffen. Bud died early on a Sunday morning in June – in the same bed Roy now sleeps in.

He is alone much of the time. Some of his friends have abandoned him. He understands.”For them to deal with me, they have to deal with AIDS,” he says. “They don’t want that.”

Griffen doesn’t want to die among strangers in Grady Hospital. He is counting on the staff of AID Atlanta to be with him, but still, on those dark and haunted nights, he grows afraid.

He is not sorry for the way he has lived his life. “I’m a much better person of having been gay,” he says. “I’ve had to deal with bigotry and oppression, but I realized my true feelings and acted upon them. Not too many people can say that. . . I guess I’ve not been successful by the world’s standards, but I’m successful by mine. I’m a Christian. I have faith. I am at peace with myself.

“But,” he adds, “it’s a funny thing. To some people I’m the scum of the earth.”

With the faith that so often comforts the dying, Griffen believes some good can come out of a plague. “A higher power may be working here to remind us that we have to interact with each other as human beings and not sex objects,” he says. Dr. Morganstern agrees. “The sensual thing was getting out of hand. There is going to be a refocusing of sexual attitudes.”

Others worry that the main consequence of the epidemic will be a swing back to the sexual repression of the ’50s, before the drawing of sexual liberation in the ’60s. Sensing these attitudinal changes, politicians are now beginning to evaluate what the situation means for them. Privately, many epidemiologists worry that AIDS is becoming politicized. “There is no doubt that increased funding is coming, in part, because of heterosexual fear,” says the CDC’s Jaffe. “We have to wonder if the money will be spent wisely. Will heterosexual hysteria feed demands for more testing, quarantine and other repressive measures?

“AIDS is so terrible, we don’t want anybody to take a risk and get it,” continues Jaffe. “But the major problem continues to be infected drug abusers and their sex partners – people who don’t read newspaper editorials and have lots of other problems in their lives. . . . The panic will grow worse. The feeling out there is for more restrictive policies. Political leaders sense what the public wants. If it is not what the public health community is giving them, then the politicians will take over.”

It is not surprising that people want assurance in a time of pestilence. When science and medicine cannot provide guarantees, perhaps the law will. Others simply don’t want the party to end. “We’re really upset,” says one divorce-scarred and whiskey- soaked veteran, “because sex is our favorite activity.”

“The thinking is,” counters Ken South, the former AID Atlanta director, “as long as I know everyone who’s positive and everyone who’s negative, I can be safe. But it isn’t the responsibility of the state to lock up infected people and protect the poor uninfecteds. It’s defensive driving. Every sexually active American is going to have to practice safe sex . . . wear rubbers. They don’t want to do it. They don’t want to change. They don’t like it.” 

So the party goes on, though the hour is late and the floor is not as crowded as it once was. Maybe it will take, as psychologist Dr. Catherine Blusiewicz puts it, “the death of the firstheterosexual movie star from AIDS” to halt it completely.

It goes on because very, very few straight Americans – outside doctors, health care types and grieving family members – have ever seen an AIDS victim in the horrible final stages of disease.

The party goes on because all of us want love but many have come to accept something less: sex as the synonym for love. The party goes on because sexual behavior is almost impossible to modify. Blusiewicz cites one of her patients, “an extremely sexually active 16-year-old girl,” who is convinced that AIDS will destroy the human race. But, says the therapist, “in terms of how she behaves sexually, it has no input.”

On the other side of the generation gap stands Lane, a 50-year-old divorced grandfather and a fixture at the bar of the Creekside Cafe. Lane does not believe AIDS will penetrate his magic circle of lawyers, businessmen and media types. He’s not particularly concerned. “To have it hit you,” he says, “you got to know somebody it nailed.”

He says this though he’s slept with 12 women in the last year and used a condom with only two. He says this despite the fact that Mary, one of his dates, is so frightened of AIDS she fled in terror from a portrait painted by an AIDS victim (just a touch away!). Another of his dates recently threw a news clipping on AIDS in front of him saying, “Since my divorce, you’re the only man I slept with. If I got it, it has to be you.”

Not to worry, says Lane. “If it does hit, it will be the meat market places, the bars with loud music and plastic people. . . . Obviously, I consider myself real.”

The question occurs: “But for how much longer?”

(Some names in this story have been changed where requested by the individuals interviewed.)

 

Troubled Voices
Calls to AID Atlanta run the gamut: Can a person get AIDS from deep kissing? What about oral sex? 

The phone rings constantly, 12 hours a day, seven days a week. Answering them is never easy. Volunteers at AID Atlanta’s Info-Line are often plunged headlong into the nightmare world of dying or newly diagnosed AIDS victims. Begun four years ago to provide AIDS information, the hotline has become much more: a crisis intervention mechanism, a shoulder to cry on, a no-nonsense authority on safe sex and risk reduction.

On a recent Friday morning, Ellen Lappa, a self-proclaimed “tennis-playing Dunwoody housewife,” was working the phones. Calls ranged from the tragic to the absurd, from a man with “a friend with some symptoms,” to a guy afraid to put his hemorrhoid-troubled backside on a public toilet. Following is a random selection from the log of calls that came in on Lappa’s watch, along with a few of her responses. Think of it as a quick peek at Atlanta’s AIDS-troubled psyche:

Caller No.1: (White male, rural accent.) “Is there a chance of getting AIDS from deep kissing or wet kissing?”Lappa: “It’s highly unlikely.”

Caller: “What about oral sex? I get these little abrasions on my penis?”

Lappa: “Our advice is to always use a condom. It’s like wearing a seat belt.”

Caller No.2: (Ambulance driver.) “Can AIDS be transmitted by perspiration? What if I got a patient who was violent and sweaty? I’d have to be real careful, right?”

Lappa: “It would take about a quart of perspiration in your bloodstream to infect you.”

Caller: “Well, I was watching this basketball game. . . I saw these kids, all soaking and rubbing against each other. It got me to thinking … “

Caller No.3: (Gay white male.) “I have shingles (herpes zoster, a painful inflammation of the nerve endings caused by a viral infection). Someone told me it was a precursor to AIDS. But everybody in my family has shingles. I need to know for sure.”

Caller No.4: (White female, rich Southern accent.) “I read where one of the first symptoms is swelling of the lymph glands. Can you tell me a little bit about that? My glands have been swollen since Monday. I haven’t been with anybody but my husband in six years, but I’ve become a little paranoid. I’m sure you understand. . .”

Caller No.5: (Black male, scared, not doing a good job hiding it.) “I had sex with a woman in December. A friend just told me she has AIDS. Her roommate put her out on the street. . . I can’t fmd her . . . My wife has this rash. Her doctor says something funny’s going on.”

Caller No.6: (White female, bluecollar, nervous.) “How soon would you know if you were infected with AIDS . . . . On Monday, I went to bed with this guy who’s … not my husband. He’s a very promiscuous person. My fear is exposing my husband. This is myfault and I don’t want to risk anyone else’s life. Do you see where I’m coming from? A few years ago, this wasn’t such a problem. . . . Hell, I don’t even know what test to go for.”

Lappa: (Explains that it can take as long as six months for antibodies to the AIDS virus to appear in the bloodstream after infection. Therefore, it could take that long for any reliable test results. She tries a joke.) “Tell your husband you were bitten by a mosquito. Really, you’re going to drive yourself crazy.”

Caller: (Not amused.) “So, it’s sort of a ‘hang in there’ thing? . . . My husband’s a workaholic. We only have sex on Saturday night. It’s already Friday…. “

Caller No.7: (White male, business type.) “My brother lives in San Francisco. He told me he’s had swollen glands for two years. He says everybody out there has them. He’s the only brother I have. I don’t want to lose him. [Long pause.] He’s coming to Atlanta for Thanksgiving. There are children involved. I understand there’s no risk from casual contact. Is that right? Should my children be allowed to touch and hug him?”

Lappa: “He’ll need lots of hugs. Feel perfectly comfortable with him coming to visit for the holidays.”

Caller No.8: (Airline pilot.) “I’m worried about my copilot. He’s screwing everything in sight.”

Caller No.9: (White woman, upperclass.) “Honey, I just want to find out how prevalent this is in the heterosexual community, because several years ago, I had an affair.”

Caller No. 10: (Young white male, giddy, obviously calling from a pay phone.) “Is oral sex safe?”

Lappa: “Not a hundred percent safe, but … “

Caller: (Interrupting with a laugh.)”I won’t go into the details, but I can promise you it won’t happen again!”

Lappa: “How well do you know this… woman?”

Caller: (Laughing crazily.) “Hell, I don’t even know her name!”

Caller No. 11: (Gay white male.) “My name is Phil and I’ve just learned my best friend has AIDS. Please tell me what I can do …. “

 

The Testing Dilemma 
“Completely Confidential AIDS TESTING. No name or identification required. Buckhead location. Call 261-9327 for information.” — Advertisement, Atlanta Constitution, July 1987 

When you call you are told to ask for Cathy. Cathy doesn’t exist. The name alerts nurses and technicians at the Piedmont Minor Emergency Clinic that you, an anonymous person, are requesting a very special test – one which determines whether you’ve been exposed to the virus that causes the acquired immune deficiency syndrome.

When you arrive, there is no waiting. Let the lucky folks with splintered bones and jagged lacerations sit in the waiting room. You are escorted straight to the lab and given five pages of AIDS information to read. A technician carefully draws 5 cubic centimeters of your blood and assigns you a number. You’re probably worried even if you’re among

the 10 percent coming in for premarital testing. You ask lots of questions: “How long does it take for antibodies to the virus to appear in my blood?” “What does it mean to be positive?” “Will I get AIDS?” The last question, of course, cannot be answered.

If you are really nervous, you ask the nurse if the needle she’s using is sterile. “It’s funny,” says Selena Colvin, the clinic’s head nurse. “I’m doing an AIDS test on them and they want to know if my needles are sterile.”

The whole thing takes about 20 minutes. Your blood is stoppered and centrifuged (to separate out the sera) and wrapped in a plastic transport bag along with a requisition sheet listing your number. A courier comes by to pick up the specimen; it is driven to International Clinical Laboratories’ Doraville facility, logged onto a computer, then flown to a Nashville laboratory where the actual testing (an almost fully automated procedure) takes place.

At the Piedmont Minor Emergency Clinic, you pay $80 (always in cash). No charts are written up; no medical records established. The typical clients (75 percent) are white males and females with college backgrounds. If male, you are between 40 and 50 years old. You are likely to be heterosexual. If you are blatantly gay, the nurses may try to remember your face and number and make friendly bets on you.

You might be the accountant in your late’ 40s who had an affair with his secretary. You’ve done this before, of course – the office affairs – but suddenly you don’t trust this woman. You ask how you should break the news to your wife if you test positive. As an afterthought, you wonder if you should tell the secretary.

Perhaps, you’re the pretty, darkhaired woman in your early 30s who arrives in a business suit and carrying a brief case. You haven’t had a relationship in years – maybe you’ve been too busy with a career. You’ve met a new guy you really like. You don’t want to sleep with him until you know for sure.

You might be the clean-cut man, mid-20s, coming in for premarital testing. You’ve had other lovers (female). Now that you’re getting married, you want to be certain. There might be children to consider. Besides, didn’t President Reagan himself recommend routine premarital testing for the AIDS virus? So you use your own name (never, ever do that) because you have nothing to hide. And you mail in a claim to your insurance company for reimbursement. And your insurance is canceled. And you are labeled high risk. And, says nurse Colvin, who heard this very story from a doctor at another testing site, “You’ll never be able to get medical insurance again.”

After five days, the courier brings back your results. You call the clinic and give them your ID number. If you’re a risk group member, you are terrified. Ice water is coursing through your veins. Everyone else is just plain scared. You recall the information sheet given you when you first showed up at the clinic. One of the topics was “Should I take the test?” And the nurse specifically asked how the results might affect your life. You wish you had paid more attention. If your test is negative, the nurse tells you so right over the phone. You breathe real deep and say things like “It’s abstinence for me.”

If you are positive, the test will be run at least twice and a fmal, very reliable test called the Western blot will confirm the results. You then are referred to a doctor who will attempt to calm and counsel you over the phone. Of course, he will fail, because at that moment, you are inconsolable. And doing it over the phone is ineffective at best, inhuman at worst.

If you were the young man who tempted fate and gambled with death by allowing the nurses to assign you the identification number 13, you lost. 

Your test came back positive.

“I’m Monica Kaufman and Here’s What’s Happening”

It was a good thing that her preschool daughter spent the night before with Clinton Deveaux, the municipal court judge who is now her ex-husband after a disappointing six-year marriage, because for Monica Kaufman, the most visible media personality in Atlanta after 10 years as co-anchor at WSB television, this is not a day for dallying.

 Photograph by David Carter

She begins it by walking through the early morning rain from her roomy old mansion of a house in Ansley Park to catch the bus for a downtown session with a lawyer about making out a new will (“I figure at 38 it’s about time”), then a stop at a Ford dealership to pick up her faltering, new, pale green Thunderbird, and next a long drive out to the province of Dunwoody to continue interviewing financial advisers who would dearly love to show her how to invest her $175,000 salary. Finally, the personal stuff out of the way but no lunch in sight, by 1:30 on a warm but drizzly Thursday afternoon she finds herself stepping over winos on the steps of the fierce, granite St. Luke’s Episcopal Church at Fifth and Peachtree and entering a disheveled annex to do her weekly volunteer bit for the Junior League: tutoring two teen-age inner-city girls in math.

She is wearing what she’ll wear this evening on the 6 and 11 o’clock news shows – two-piece tweed suit, frilly mint blouse, demure pearl necklace, hair in a short, springy, boyish cut – but to the girls she might as well be wearing jeans. Kokethea (black, chubby, 17) and Christy (blonde, smacking gum, 14), both in jeans and loose tops, brighten and say hello to Monica when she enters the room, but they seem to have no time for celebrity worship.

For the next hour, her jacket off in the musty old room, Kaufman moves back and forth between the two girls. “Decrease means to subtract, take away,” she says to Kokethea, who is new at the personal computers. “That’s the minus sign. OK? D for ‘down,’ decrease …. How’d you do, little one?” she says to Christy, who is taking a test, using the printer. “It may take us 50 years to do it, but if you’ve got the time so do I. … You getting tired, honey?”

“Sleepy,” Kokethea says.

“Rain does that to you,” Kaufman tells her.

“Really?”

“It does, it really does. Everybody’s sleepy on rainy days.”

It has been 10 years now since she slipped into town, an effervescent young black woman with a marriage, four years of newspapering and two years of television experience behind her in her hometown of Louisville, Kentucky, and in that decade she has built a following that is perhaps unparalleled in Atlanta’s broadcasting history. Until two years ago, when most ratings showed W AGA-TV (Channel 5) wresting the lead from WSB-TV(Channel 2) during the 6 and 11 o’clock news slots, Kaufman was Atlanta television personified. As the credits rolled and the music died at dusk each weekday, it was as though she had just stopped by for a chat: “Hi, I’m Monica Kaufman, and here’s what’s happening.” Monica is people. Says Tom Houck, the curmudgeon talk-show host at WGST radio: “I venture to say that there’s a lot of crackers whose only thoughts about blacks had to do with slavery who say Monica’s great without even giving it a thought. … She’s the queen. No doubt about it.”

The talk of “civic involvement” “Miss Community Service” – comes up repeatedly in conversations about her, and with good reason. She averages 140 speaking engagements a year now (it was nearly double that before her daughter Claire came along), all over the state, accepting no fee except the $20 and mileage paid by WSB. She is an active Junior Leaguer and a member of everything from the NAACP to Goodwill Industries. The list goes on: United Way, National Association of Black Journalists, Sigma Delta Chi (the fraternity of journalists, where often she can be found stuffing envelopes and licking stamps). She has received four Emmy awards (one, “The Making of Nightline,” leading to her unbounded admiration for ABC’s Ted Koppel). One must understand that she manages to juggle all of this around a schedule that requires her to check into the station around 3 o’clock on most weekday afternoons and stay there until midnight. Still, she is a pushover for what she calls “the other stuff.”

Community Paragon

After saying goodbye to Kokethea and Christy, again promising to come back for the appreciation dinner that night, Kaufman dashes to her car for a quick drive to a studio where she will tape a Junior League Public Service spot.

At WSB they speak of her schedule as B.C. and A.C., “Before Claire” and “After Claire,” because the child has wrought major changes on her life. “Clint lives in Renaissance City, very close to the house, so it’s easy for us to swap Claire back and forth almost every day,” she says, talking above the mild FM rock music on the car radio and the purring of the windshield-wiper motor. One is struck by how much smaller she seems in person than on television. “She and Clint are a hoot together. And me, well, I’m an only child, so that makes her the love of my life right now.” It doesn’t matter that Claire was adopted at the age of 6 months, she says. “We just don’t make a big deal out of it. She knows. But I don’t want her to win a Pulitzer Prize, or go to jail for that matter, and have people call her ‘adopted daughter of Monica Kaufman.’ “

Kaufman doesn’t just enter a room; she claims it. There are three fellow Junior Leaguers waiting for her in the cozy little anteroom, each of them white and 30ish and dressed in their Buckhead Junior League uniforms of severe A-line suits and white lace collars. When they see her they begin babbling like sorority sisters. When one of them asks about Claire, Kaufman quickly passes around the latest snapshot. She asks directions to the ladies’ room “so I can put on my face” (“But I thought you already had it on, Monica”) and when she returns with her etui, in less than 10 minutes, there is no discernible difference except for a slight blush to her cheeks. 

“You mean you do your own makeup?” one of them asks.

“Sure,” she says. “It’s the contact that take so long.”

“I thought you’d have your own hairdresser and all.”

“Oh, no, that’s in New York. Ten years ago when I came here we were only the 16th-rated market in the country. Now we’re 13. Maybe in another five years we’ll be 10th and I’ll get a dressing and the works so I won’t have to go to New York.”

“Say it isn’t so, say you won’t leave us, Monica” is the look on their faces as he is whisked down the hall to a cubicle studio. She is back in 10 or 15 minutes (“Hi, I’m Monica Kaufman, and I can tell you who the Junior League is,” was her leading to the promo), swiping a turkey sandwich from a table (“We’ll call it lunch”), pausing long enough to leave them with a Claire story. She hustles away, into the rain again, for the drive, finally, to WSB for another night’s work.

All of this is a long way from Smoketown, a crowded black neighborhood on the east side of Louisville, where Monica Rosie Lee Jones was raised by her mother after her parents divorced when she was 4 years old. While he mother worked at a multitude of jobs, one of them requiring her to walk or take buses all over downtown Louisville to deliver false teeth for a dental lab, Monica was attending an all-girls Catholic school. Staying afloat wasn’t easy.

No sooner had she finished high school and enrolled at the University of Louisville, to major in English and philosophy (“I thought I wanted to be a teacher”), than she got married. “I was 19 and my mother nearly died. But, you know, when you go to an all-girls Catholic high school and you grow up in a strict family,…” His name was Jerry Kaufman, 21, a 6-foot-8, 240-pound accountant who had been a basketball player at Drake University, and when they married in 1967 Monica dropped out of college and took a job with a bank that happened to be directly across the street from the daily Louisville Times and Courier-Journal newspapers.

Then the first of a series of mentors, Frank Stanley Sr., publisher of the black-oriented Louisville Defender, stepped into her life. “He was taking a lot of black kids under his wing then and he told me, ‘You will learn how to type.’ So I learned how to type and he let me write columns for the Defender He and his wife even sponsored me in a beauty contest once.” On a whim, bored with the bank job, she walked across the street and got a job as a “go-fer” on the Louisville Times: answering phones, writing obituaries, serving as “newsroom clerk.”

Thus began a remarkable string of fortuitous incidents which have greased her career ever since. Soon after she arrived at the Times, the editor of the newspaper’s consumer column abruptly resigned and the job fell to young Monica Kaufman. Not four months later the executive editor of the paper told her to apply for the Columbia Graduate School of Journalism’s 1969 summer program for minorities, and she won. When she returned from the summer in New York she was first put on general assignment at the Louisville Times but then moved over to the women’s department. She stayed with the Times for three more years, working on her college degree again, singing “Nancy Wilson and Sarah Vaughan stuff” in nightclubs to bring in more money for college – before she quit and took a public relations job with a Louisville distiller. Then, in 1973, when she was 26 and restless, Monica Kaufman crossed paths with television.

“I’d auditioned with the NBC station in Louisville and they said no and I asked them why and they told me. ‘You’ll never be on TV, you don’t look the part, you don’t sound the part, forget it.’ So I took a charm course: makeup, doing hair, how to dress, the visual things. Part of the course was to work one day of the week with no pay, to literally sell the clothes off your back, and you learned to memorize a lot. I’d walk down the hall of this restaurant, dressed in something from Byck’s Department Store, and I’d go up to a table full of women and say, ‘Hello, I’m Monica Kaufman and I’m from Byck’s Department Store. Getting ready for the holidays? Can I show you this outfit?’ And ‘da-da-da-da. . . .’ A woman named June Dorsey was in there one night and she asked me, ‘What do you do when you don’t do this?’ So me, not being shy, I gave her my whole history. She said, ‘OK, I want you to meet my husband, he’s news director at WHAS.’ And I got my job.”

She spent two years at WHAS-TV, first as a reporter, then as a weekend anchor and within months as the full-blown anchor, and then “a couple of things happened.” She finally completed the work for her degree at the University of Louisville, nearly eight years after first enrolling, and one month after being rejected by Atlanta’s WAGA-TV she got a call from WSB-TV which was looking for a female co-anchor, and thus one marriage was consummated while another died. “Jerry (Kaufman) said, ‘Great, Atlanta’s a great town,’ but when they offered me the job it was the beginning of the end of the marriage. He said, ‘I’m not following a woman all over the country.’ He’d had a devoted, traditional wife for eight years, but suddenly she had changed on him. My mother said, ‘Honey, good jobs are a lot harder to find than good men.’ ” So they divorced and she moved on to Atlanta, working first as a reporter so she and the city could .get to know each other, and three months later, in December 1975, Monica Kaufman sidled up next to John Pruitt on the set at White Columns and debuted as co-anchor on the 6 o’clock news.

Showtime at White Columns. She has called ahead from the public service taping to say she is running late, and when she bursts through a back door to the WSB-TV newsroom she finds the place jumping. The big story of the day is a hurricane blowing on the Gulf Coast and the major issue for Kaufman and her co-anchor, Terry Wood, is whether there will be live film or will they have to talk their way through the first broadcast.

She and Wood have identical cubicles side-by-side in the very center of the newsroom – 4-by-8 “work centers” with plastic desk tops and hanging drawers and typewriters and telephones – and while Wood goes to confer with the news director, Mark Engel, about the status of WSB’s “up-link” (meaning, film or no film tonight?) Kaufman digs into the rest of the turkey sandwich and a heaping pile of messages. She can see dozens of snapshots of daughter Claire push-pinned above her desk, and an array of feminist buttons and samplers (“A Woman’s Place Is in Control” and “Uppity Women Unite”).

Terry Wood, Kaufman’s co-anchor, also looks different in person: a sort of frumpy, short, puppy-dog fellow with softly coiffed hair and a plain open face and, on this night, wearing cotton khakis and crepe-soled shoes. He has been with WSB for a year and a half, having come in from Salt Lake City, and he seems eager to talk about his cohort. “Putting on a newscast is essentially the same, as far as choreography is concerned, from place to place. Oh, there’ll be some differences here and there in the staging and the cue cards. But Monica helped me tremendously, from the first day, and I’ll tell you that’s saying something. In this business there’s a lot of ego, a lot of jealousy. I’ve got a buddy in Philly, he lasted eight months before the co-anchor did him in. Monica and I, though, we get along and I think it shows on the air. She has amazing adaptability.”

By 5:35, with news time fast approaching, Kaufman has shut down the incoming calls and is touching up her makeup at her desk. At some point she hustled to the set and did a live promo for the upcoming 6 o’clock news, and she also phoned Claire. 

Then she slips into her tweed jacket, trundles into the studio and takes her place beside Terry Wood, larger than life now in his gold-buttoned blue blazer.

If there is a void in her life – forget about the money, her beloved Claire, the celebrity – it is the lack of the man. She will joke about it. “So here I am at 38, all my parts working, but nobody to produce with – and I just bought The Joy of Sex to improve my technique,” she says with an easy but hearty laugh.

But when she talks about the men in her life to date, from Jerry Kaufman through Clinton Deveaux to her current mystery suitor, it is clear that a powerful and lasting ‘ relationship with a powerful and lasting man has become almost an obsession. Not surprisingly, it goes back to her absentee father: “He came back into my life after I had graduated from high school. He’s in Indianapolis now, remarried, with five children from his second marriage. My mother never said anything negative about him, and that’s how I learned how to deal with a spouse who’s no longer at the house. That’s why I wanted joint custody of Claire. Clinton is responsible, he wouldn’t leave the city, but I wanted it made clear that he’s legally as responsible as 1. The last time I saw my father he said, ‘I’m proud of my other children, but I wonder why they haven’t done what you’ve done.’ And I said, ‘Because they had you there, and I’ve been trying since I was 4 or 5 to prove to you that you made a mistake by not staying in touch.’ “

On Clinton Deveaux: “We met when I first came to Atlanta and I covered the Legislature: It was a whirlwind, that’s probably what was wrong with it. May to September. Jerry didn’t want kids, but Clinton and I did, so I went through the whole fertility workup and had corrective surgery but still nothing happened. So we adopted Claire when she was 6 months old and we moved into this house and about halfway through our six years together the marriage began falling apart. That’s something I won’t discuss.” But then she does. “I knew I’d made a mistake the day I got married. I was late for my wedding. A girlfriend and I were sitting at the breakfast table, running our mouths, and my mother and Clint had to tell me to please hurry up and get dressed; If I had been the strong person I think I am I would’ve just stood up and said, ‘I’m sorry, but we can’t get married.’ I’ve told Clint that. Clint is a wonderful conversationalist, a great dancer, excellent with Claire. He’s a very nice man. I just don’t want to be married to him.” 

And the new man in her life: “I’m dating someone I love very much, but I don’t want to marry him. I’m afraid to get married again, really scared. I wanted a longstanding family with a houseful of kids, but maybe it’s too late for another kid. Anyway, with this man, it’s nice to have somebody who can basically say, ‘I can buy you and sell you and I don’t care what you do.’ He is as busy as I am. His children are grown and married, he’s 55, and he lives out of town. And I think that’s a concern in the marriage part, that he is out of town, because I don’t want to move. He’s very special. Oh, it sounds like I’m 16 again. He’s strong, affectionate, owns his own business, is likely to fly in if he senses I need cuddling.” She giggles like, indeed, a teen-age girl. “I’m a real hard person to live with. You have to hold your own with me. I need someone whose personality is just as strong as mine, because if not I’ll run over you roughshod.”

Wish List

So what about it? Will Monica Kaufman hear an offer she can’t refuse from the man of her dreams or the network of her choosing – or has she, in her own words, “stayed too long at the fair”? Engel, WSB’s news director, says he has “a piece of paper here that says I can force her to work here, but I’ll never have to use it because she loves it here. She’s part of Atlanta.” But that contract, which comes up for renewal in August, has a “network out” in it and, says Monica, “God knows what might happen between now and then.” For years, or at least since Claire, she has been asking to be excused from the 11 o’clock show in order to live a more nearly normal life; but there is no disputing WSB’s runner-up status at 11 at night, meaning there is little chance she will get that wish.

She has a wish list, sure, but it is so fanciful that she may never see it come true. “My dream job would be early morning anchoring,..’ she says. “Ted Koppel, I’d work for him as a researcher. Peter Jennings and Tom Brokaw, I could work with them. And Dan Rather, but I don’t think he could work with a co-anchor. But those jobs don’t open up. And for a black woman? Give me a break. Nobody’s had a chance since Barbara Walters in that 6 to 7 slot. You haven’t seen another woman. If anybody does it, interestingly enough, it might be Diane Sawyer of Louisville, Kentucky. I should have moved two or three years ago, if I wanted to do it, but I didn’t. I’m not in the pipeline.”

Following the 6 o’clock broadcast there is the usual 20-minute “critique” of the show in Mark Engel’s office, where Monica and Terry and the other principals talk about what went right and what went wrong; she announces that she will be at the Parish Hall of St. Luke’s (“I’ll have my beeper on”) and drives to the appreciation banquet. Scores of kids are there, dressed in their finest, and many of them rush Kaufman when they see her enter the hall. Afterwards there are speeches and entertainment. The 11 o’clock news is closing up on her, but Kaufman lingers, and when she sees that three of the girls she knows — Kokethea among them — are planning to take late-night buses back to their apartments, all of them in rough parts of town, she won’t hear of it. She takes each of them home in her Thunderbird and it doesn’t bother her that she barely makes it to WSB in time to do the 11 o’clock broadcast. What worries her is hearing that one of the boys who had been at the banquet went home and was stabbed to death by his father.

The Children of Dr. King: Living with the Legacy

Living with the Legacy Martin Luther King Children 1985This article originally appeared in our January 1985 issue.

My father was sent to do a very specific job. . . . He was a God-sent man and when his work was done he moved on higher. . . . —Yolanda Denise King

“I hate the man who killed my daddy.” That’s what 12-year old Yolanda King said to her mother several hours after Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated. As they sat on the bed in Coretta Scott King’s dimly lit bedroom, the widow of the slain civil rights leader gathered all her courage and compassion and told her oldest child, “Your daddy wouldn’t want you to (hate the man).” With tears streaming down her face, Yolanda looked at her mother and said, “I’m not going to cry, I’m just not going to cry, because my daddy is really not dead and one day I’m going to see him again – in heaven.” Mrs. King put her arms around Yolanda and said, “Your daddy would be so proud of you.”

Earlier that day, April 4, 1968, at 6:01 p.m., as he stood on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, leaning slightly forward talking to someone below, a Remmington-Peters soft-point, metal-jacket bullet, fired from a high-velocity .30-06 rifle, entered the right side of Dr. King’s face, one inch to the right of and one inch below his mouth. The bullet fractured his jaw, exited the lower part of his face and reentered his body in the neck area. The disintegrating shell severed numerous vital arteries, fractured King’s spinal column in several places and came to rest on the left side of his back. A few hours later, at St. Joseph’s Hospital, he died.

In Atlanta, Yolanda had been watching the news on television while her brothers, Martin III and Dexter, and sister Bernice, played in the spacious, five-bedroom King home on Sunset Street, near Morris Brown College. There was a story on the news about the speech her father had given the previous night in Memphis, where he had gone to participate in a strike of that city’s garbage collectors. “He looked sad,” Yolanda recalls. “His eyes were somewhere else, he looked removed, there was a detachment I had never seen before.”

Shortly after the broadcast was over, a special bulletin aired announcing that King had been shot. Yolanda screamed and ran into the room where her mother was already getting the news by telephone from Jesse Jackson. Yolanda went to her room to pray: “Please don’t let my daddy die.”

‘It’s Real Bad’

Sixteen years later Coretta King is sitting in her spacious office, with its panoramic view of the courtyard of the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Change. She is busily opening correspondence with an ebony letter opener and trying to eat a quick meal before rushing off to a meeting. She is recalling, for the sake of a reporter, the day her husband died.

“It seemed like all the children came in at the same time, just after I got the first call from Jesse. . . . Jesse calling me first was kind of odd in a way, because I wasn’t that close to Jesse. . . . With no tact, he said, ‘Mrs. King, Doc just got shot and you better catch the first thing smokin’ to Memphis.’ A few minutes later. Andy (Young) telephoned and asked, ‘Coretta, did you hear about Martin? … Well I’ll tell you, it’s real bad, but he’s alive and you need to come right away.’ “Mrs. King sighs softly, remembering. “Just the fact that Andy had to mention that and there was something in his voice, I said to myself, ‘This is probably it.'”

That was “it.”

And with the last breath exhaled from King’s body, the wind left the sails of the civil rights movement, a people were without a leader, a country had lost its provocateer of social justice and the world was absent one of the most inspirational men of this century.

But in addition, in a more private way, four children, ages 12, 10, 7 and 5, had lost their father.

Mrs. King has pursued her late husband’s dream of racial harmony. But it is the children who have had to work out how to incorporate their father’s social and spiritual legacy into their own lives. “We were able to convey to the children that what their daddy was doing was important,” Mrs. King says, “in the sense that he was doing God’s work and that he was helping people. . . . Going to jail became a badge of honor, rather than disgrace for them. They thought what Daddy was doing was noble because of the way it was explained.”

An Impressive History

Dr. King was continuing, albeit magnified, the leadership-role endemic to his family. Yolanda, Marty, Dexter and Bunny are not the prodigy of some poor obscure son of a black family from Georgia and his Alabama farm girl bride. They are the inheritors of three generations of family history steeped in service and community stature.

Their paternal great-grandfather, the Rev. A.D. Williams, founded Atlanta’s Ebenezer Baptist Church in 1894 and was its pastor until his death in 1931. Under his leadership, and later the pastorate of their paternal grandfather, the late Martin Luther King, Sr., “Daddy” King, the congregation grew to more than 4,000 members. The church became a bedrock of Auburn Avenue, that isle of economic, social and cultural enterprise for the South’s blacks during the segregated first two-thirds of this century.

Daddy King, as he was universally called, led the fight for equal pay for black and white teachers in Atlanta, wouldn’t ride on the city’s segregated buses and helped eliminate Jim Crow elevators in the local courthouse. He passed away in November, following a lifetime of civil rights service.

On their mother’s side, the King children’s great-grandfather, Jeff Scott, owned the 300-acre farm near Marion, Alabama, on which their mother was born. Their maternal grandparents, Obadiah and Bernice Scott, were the proprietors of a small trucking firm, a gas station, a grocery store and a chicken farm around Marion. They sent their daughter Coretta to Antioch College in Yellow Springs, Ohio, where her sister had been the first black to integrate the school. Coretta would meet M.L. King, as he was called then, in 1962, while they were both pursuing postgraduate work in Boston: she at the New England Conservatory of Music while he was studying for a doctorate at Boston University.

The international fame of their father might have left the King children haughty. It has not. They are humble people, who do without the trappings of celebrity. There are no limousines, no bodyguards and no swollen egos. Yolanda, Marty, Dexter and Bernice grew up in the same house that their parents purchased 25 years ago and where their mother still lives with Bernice.

Although Dr. King spent much of his time traveling, he was very close to his children. “Martin always set aside time for family outings,” Mrs. King remembers “We’d go bowling, we’d swim in Herman Russell’s indoor pool and we’d attend the annual Southeastern Fair. He was able to convey to the children that they were a priority. . . . They always felt that Daddy loved them.

“They had a lot of fun with him,” she says as a faint smile crosses her face, “He was not the one to discipline them. Unfortunately, I had to be the disciplinarian and do most of the teaching on how they were to behave. . . . I often felt that Martin was so deprived in one sense; he loved children so much, he wanted to have eight. . . . ”

After the assassination, “It was hard,” Mrs. King says. “For a while, the children were afraid when I would go someplace.” Once, 5-year-old Bernice pleaded with her mother not to go to the bank. “Don’t go, don’t do!, you might get shot,” she said. “Later. . . “Mrs. King continues, “when I started traveling more, I asked them if they were afraid. They said ‘Well not really because you always come back.’ That helped reassure me. But once Marty told me, as I was preparing to go to Charleston, South Carolina: ‘I understand about you having to do Daddy’s work and all that, but sometimes I wish I had two Mommies, one to write books and do Daddy’s work and one to stay home with us.’ They understood,” Mrs. King says, “But it was painful.”

Not only did Yolanda, Marty, Dexter and Bernice understand, they picked up the gauntlet and joined what in the 1980s is the silent struggle for social equality. Although the tools they employ are as different as their personalities and appearances, the Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Change, which started in the basement of their home and is now housed in an $8 million complex adjacent to Ebenezer, is the common skewer that binds them to their father’s goals.

“I don’t have any choice in my involvement at the center.” Twenty-eight year- old Yolanda makes the observation over dinner at the Mansion Restaurant, the candlelight in the dimly lit room reflecting off her glasses. Pushing her long corn-rowed braids aside, she says, “We didn’t hear about being responsible, we saw it everyday.”

Next page: Balancing a legacy with personal dreams

Yolanda’s business card manifestly displays her “involvement.” It lists her as an actress/director/lecturer. The order of the listing is indicative of how she characterizes herself. Yolanda is one of those rare people who have known, since early childhood, what she wanted to do when she grew up. She wrote her first play when she was 7 years old, “a rags to riches story about a queen . . . with absolutely no plot.” She continued to write plays, finding would-be stars in the neighborhood children. “By the time I was 12, I had decided to be an artist.”

Yolanda’s official responsibility at the center is director of the Cultural Affairs Institute. Several years ago she established a New York-based theatrical company with Attallah Shabazz, daughter of the slain Black Muslim Malcolm X. Yolanda splits her time between New York and her Midtown Atlanta home.

“I want to produce my own work,” she says, “to do the kind of roles that are meaningful and educational for blacks. There is no substance, no worth in things being produced today. . . . There is no message or meaning and it can be destructive, demeaning and not healthy. Broadway musicals like Ain’t Misbehavin’, Eubie and Bubblin’ Brown Sugar depict blacks having a light, wonderful time and that was just not so for blacks in the ’20s and ’30s.”

The Struggle

Her theatrical company breaks even, more or less, and she reaps no salary from the King Center. She earns much of her income by delivering lectures around the country. “There are things that need to be said. It’s imperative that we keep talking about the struggle for civil rights and tell the story of who we are and our heritage. Black youth, in general, have no understanding of our past. Young black people who don’t know who Martin Luther King Jr. was, don’t know nothin’. You have to know where you’ve been, to know where you’re going.”

There are expectations when you’re the child of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Perhaps of nobody quite as much as Marty, who was once introduced by a jubilant master of ceremony as “Martin Luther King Jr. III.”

“When I was younger, I had problems signing autographs. I didn’t know why anyone would want my signature. Then someone explained the legacy. A stranger told me, ‘I always wanted your father’s autograph and now I can’t get it, so I would like yours.’ After that I began to accept it.”

Marty relates the anecdote in his sparsely furnished office at the King Center, where he recently had been appointed vice president and director of the center’s Youth Programs project. At 26, he has the cuddly physique of an overgrown teddy bear. With meticulously manicured full beard and close-cropped hair, he has inherited the soft round features of his mother’s face.

Although Marty describes himself as a “timid” child, he is intrepid about giving his views: “Today, it’s even more difficult to motivate black people than it was in the ’60s,” he says, “though issues are there.” Universities in Georgia are insensitive to the needs of blacks, he claims.

Reality

Marty’s Youth Program is designed to teach young blacks how to lead and confront issues affecting their communities. “Leaders need . . . training and direction. . . . I don’t know if we’ll (blacks) ever need one leader again. Certainly, we’re all looking for that one messiah, but I don’t think it’s going to be about that. The greatest leadership is a . . . collective body. A whole conglomerate of different persons. Because what happens is, if there is one leader and something happens to him, the whole movement dissipates.”

Marty speaks often of the spiritual essence, strength, resolve and responsibility implicit in working for social equality. At times he sounds more like a minister, than a social activist. Even though his father, grandfather, great-grandfather and great-great-grandfather were ministers, he says there was no family pressure to enter the pulpit. But, he adds, “Sometimes God calls you and your ears are closed.”

“Marty could identify with his father,” says Mrs. King. “He was with Martin a great deal and went to St. Augustine, Florida, where he saw Klansmen in their robes every night.” Marty recalled the 1964 trip and vividly remembers a black man being severely beaten.

When Dr. King was assassinated, Marty had some sense of the violence of the civil rights movement. He had seen it. “But Bunny (Bernice) and Dexter were greatly affected by the assassination,” Mrs. King says. “They were so young.”

Bernice readily admits that her memory of her father is a series of vague recollections clarified by her mother, sister and brothers. She was only 5 years old when Dr. King was killed. “But sometimes,” Bernice says, “it seems as if it was only yesterday. It worries me that I didn’t get to know him. My birthday falls a week before the day he was shot. . . . It still bothers me, especially on Father’s Day. I try to keep busy. It’s a rough thing to deal with, especially when people criticize his policies. I say ‘Look, I lost a father because he was out there risking his life to help blacks.’ ”

At 21, Bernice is blunt, forthright and unpretentious; Clad in beige shorts, white pullover top and sandals, she says her studies at Spelman College, where she is a senior psychology major, have kept her from being as “involved” as Marty and Yolanda. With her feet propped up against a desk in an idle office of the King Center, she says, “I don’t know what my role will be, but I will be helping, I know that. I want to become a member of the board (of directors) and go from there. Yolanda and I talked about me being president of the center when Mother is gone. I can’t remember what I said, but the gist was I didn’t think so. I don’t like to be at the top. I’d rather work in the background. . . . ”

Although Bernice says she would rather “work in the background,” the path she has traveled and her future goals are a prelude to leadership. She has attended four Democratic National Conventions, has made several speeches before various groups, has addressed the United Nations and she plans to become a lawyer: “I want to help those black brothers and sisters who don’t get a fair chance in the criminal courtroom.”

“Bernice wants to attend a major university, a fully integrated one, where she can pursue a masters degree in divinity while she gets her law degree. “I need to get a taste of that. Sometimes I build up prejudices, dislikes for whites (and that’s not right), we’re all the same, we’re all human.”

Bernice says she feels no pressure from being the daughter of Dr. King. “I am trying to establish myself. I’m Bernice and accept me as Bernice.”

Pressure

Dexter has also felt the pressure of being a King. “There is pressure,” he says. “My father was placed here for a special reason and I am the fruit of his labor. I have something personal to do that I cannot run from or I’ll be running forever.”

Named after the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, his father’s first pastorate, at 23 Dexter is the least known of the King siblings. But he is the possessor of most of Dr. King’s outward characteristics: facial features, resonant voice and the melodic cadence of speech that stirred the nation to action. “There are those who have even said I am his reincarnation. . . . But I feel that no one, including myself, can be another Martin Luther King Jr.”

Dexter is a senior at Morris Brown College. After he gets his business finance degree, he wants to pursue an MBA or law degree. “I’m preparing myself academically, mentally, emotionally and physically. . . . No one will listen,” he says, “unless you set an example and prove yourself worthy of a leadership role. That’s one of the things that made my father so effective, in the sense of touching so many people universally.

Dressed in a light blue jump suit, with sunglasses, sandals, pipe and portable phone, Dexter does not exactly incite visions of community service or social justice. But in a small waiting area of the center’s board room, he methodically voiced how he will contribute to the fruition of his father’s work. “The Poor Peoples’ March on Washington in 1968 is where my father left off. That was an economic approach toward helping poor people. . . . I want to utilize entrepreneurship, the business spirit to carry on in that perspective.”

Several weeks after Dr. King’s assassination, Mrs. King says, she overheard a conversation between “Bunny” and Dexter. “Daddy’s going up to heaven and his spirit’s alive,” Bernice told her brother. Dexter remembers those moribund days and recalls what Andrew Young told him that eased some of the anguish of Dr. King’s death. Your father did not die in pain, he told the youngster. The Lord took him in a peaceful way. “That made me feel a little better,” Dexter says. “The strength of the family has surpressed or cancelled any hatred . . . . You cannot let anyone cause you to stoop so low that you hate them . . . .

Yolanda, Marty, Dexter and Bernice were innately influenced by a man who provided the spirit of a movement destined to affect Americans for: generations to come, who spoke words such as these, in 1963, from Letter From Birmingham Jail: “When you suddenly find your.· tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your 6-year old daughter why she can’t go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a 5-year-old son who is asking: ‘Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean? … ‘ ”

“Each of us has a role,” Marty says. “All four of us are destined to be involved.” Although Dr. King’s death left a tremendous void, he also left behind a mighty legacy: his ideals; his accomplishments; and Yolanda, Marty, Dexter and Bernice.

Leaders and Landmarks

This article originally appeared in our May 1981 issue.

When Donald L. Hollowell settled in Atlanta in 1951, with his law degree from Loyola University and his honorable discharge as Captain from the U.S. Army, he could enter the courthouse through the front door—but couldn’t eat in the cafeteria. If he rode a bus, he had to sit in the last few rows—or stand. Like all other blacks (or “Negroes” in the style of those days), he could not be served at the airport or any downtown restaurant or spend the night at an Atlanta hotel. He and his family were not permitted to use a city swimming pool or the public library.

The list of restrictions was endless.

And it was the law.

“Racial segregation was the order of the day,” he recalls, sitting at his desk in his tenth floor office in the Citizens Trust Building, where he now serves as regional attorney for the Atlanta office of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). “It permeated every facet of life outside the home and, therefore, within the home.”

Hollowell grew up in Kansas, where there was little racial segregation. During part of his first and third grade years, he was in segregated classes. But, as he explains, “There were not enough blacks in [his hometown in] Kansas to warrant special schools—or special facilities of any kind, for that matter. Beyond elementary school, nothing was segregated.” (Ironically, the landmark 1954 Supreme Court decision outlawing public school segregation originated in Hollowell’s home state, not the rigidly segregated South.)

Hollowell was not a stranger to the South. As a member of the football, basketball and track teams of  Lane College in Jackson, Tennessee, he had visited many Southern cities, including Atlanta. During World War II, he had been stationed for a time at Ft. Benning and had visited Atlanta frequently. He had experienced the daily hardships of a racially segregated society.

Why, then, did a young black lawyer starting his professional career choose a city where schools, housing, public accommodations, jobs, medical care, churches—everything—were strictly segregated?

It was partly happenstance. His family had moved to California during the War, and he had no real ties back in Kansas. His wife Louise, a native Georgian, had stayed in Atlanta while Hollowell was fighting in Europe. Her mother, who lived with them, opposed a move to California. But the decision to remain in Atlanta went deeper than convenience.

“I recognized that the bulk of the culture of the black people grew out of the South, and also I saw an opportunity for service. There were only ten black attorneys in Atlanta at the time, and, as far as I knew, there were none outside Atlanta. We heard about a black lawyer down in Savannah, but I was never able to find him,” Hollowell recalls.

Atlanta had the need; Hollowell had the skills. Was it possible for a black lawyer to practice in the South as a lawyer, not as a black lawyer? He consulted with both whites and blacks in the area. Their consensus was a definite maybe. It was possible, they told him.

Hollowell never doubted that it was, and his 30-year legal career has been guided by that conviction. He is first and foremost a legal craftsman, working within the system, prodding it to correct itself, but never straying outside of it.

Even during the early Fifties in the Deep South, Hollowell’s insistence on being accorded the respect due a lawyer has served him well. “I never let anybody treat me otherwise,” he says simply. “In practicing law, there are only limited situations where there might be a suggestion of racial overtones. In the courtroom there are set procedures and everybody knows them. There is an aura of respect about lawyers. Bailiffs, sheriffs, judges, all come to recognize you if you’re a person with some skill.

“There were times,” he adds, “when people didn’t do that. Sometimes I had to deal with them directly, but in most circumstances, you may call upon the court, the judge himself, to correct the ‘mistakes’—invoke the sovereign presence of the court, so to speak.

“There were many, of course, who gave less than a damn about who you were or what you did if your skin was black, but looking back at all the places we went all over the South, there were surprisingly few. There were some threats of violence, some phone calls, but no instances of real violence. No crosses burned.

“There is a kind of protection that comes from being associated with the law,” Hollowell explains. And from consistently conducting oneself with personal dignity, he might add.

So in 1951, he settled in Atlanta, passed the Georgia Bar exam and began to practice law in association with Cassandra Maxwell, who had recently moved to Atlanta from South Carolina, where she had been the first black female to be admitted to the bar.

At that time, there was hardly a crack in the fortified wall of segregation. Black police officers had been hired a few years earlier but were given no authority to arrest whites. Schools and colleges, public and private, were strictly segregated by race. There was no black official in City government nor any black elected to the State legislature. The Metropolitan Opera sang primarily to whites only (with a few blacks in the top gallery). The only desegregated hospital was operated by the Veterans Administration. Grady Memorial Hospital required anyone calling for emergency service to designate the race of the victim; strictly segregated funeral homes provided the vehicles. There was no black physician on Grady’s staff. The daily papers ran “help wanted” ads under the classifications “for whites” and “for Negroes.”

Perhaps the tenor of those years was best exemplified in the response to a 1955 Supreme Court order requiring the municipal golf courses to either admit blacks or close. The City chose to keep them open, but in announcing capitulation, then-Mayor William B. Hartsfield reassured the white public there were “only a few dozen Negro players and golf, by its very nature, is a segregated game and neither necessary nor compulsory.”

While a college education is not compulsory—or even necessary to many—it is a lot more important than a golf game. The state’s university system, particularly the University of Georgia, became a new target for the foes of segregation, and much stronger resistance developed.

The dean of the small band of black lawyers in Atlanta was “Colonel” (never “Mister”) A. T. Walden, who had begun work in the early Fifties on a suit to force the University of Georgia Law School to admit a black student, Horace Ward. Walden invited Hollowell to join the suit which ended inconclusively after a few skirmishes. “They sent Horace off to the Army,” Hollowell remembers. Ward later decided to get his law degree at Northwestern University. Today, Judge Ward presides over the U. S. District Court in Atlanta.

Hollowell’s association with Walden in that effort, however, began his career devotion to civil rights. He won a suit in 1959 to admit blacks to the Georgia State College of Business Administration (now Georgia State University) and filed suit against the University of Georgia. That, he says “made it all clear. Between the Georgia State decision and the University suit, it was the whole package.” Georgia law required the Legislature to discontinue appropriations to any white school which admitted black students. The suit raised the threat the University would be closed down. That same argument had been used about public schools.

“Many whites wouldn’t have raised an eyebrow if the public schools were closed,” Hollowell says. “But the University shutting down was quite another prospect.”

The case was Holmes vs. Danner (Danner was director of admissions). The decision was handed down in December, 1960. In January, 1961, Federal marshals accompanied Hollowell and his clients, Hamilton Holmes and Charlayne Hunter, to Athens, where they registered at the University. The Legislature did not cut off appropriations. The University did not close down.

Holmes later attended Emory University School of Medicine, where he is now a staff member, in addition to maintaining a private orthopedics practice. Hunter went from the University to The New Yorker Magazine, NBC, The New York Times and is now seen on PBS public affairs television programs.

When the first issue of ATLANTA appeared in May, 1961, the city was preparing for desegregation of its public school system. The Board of Education had faced the same choice the City had faced with its golf courses: desegregate or close. The choice was desegregation—but under an elaborate plan which resulted in an actual total of nine black high school students attending four formerly all-white schools.

The city was absorbing the impact of an agreement to desegregate lunch counters, struck between downtown merchants and Atlanta University Center students. But still on the books and in practice were ordinances requiring segregation in city parks, theaters and other “places of public assembly, where assembly is for charge or free.”

The 1960 sit-ins kept Hollowell busy. One weekend, he recalls, he and another black attorney, C. B. King, had 750 clients in jails in five counties. Dealing with this required not only mammoth legal efforts but the even more enormous task of finding and persuading property owners to pledge their property for bail bonds. Their clients included Martin Luther King, Jr., who had moved back to his native Atlanta from Montgomery and was arrested with students at a sit-in at Rich’s. Reports were that both Presidential candidates John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon telephoned authorities on King’s behalf. Kennedy’s call, the story goes, came first, winning black votes for him. Hollowell, however, denies knowledge of any such telephone calls playing any part in King’s release. As attorney for King and others arrested, he relied not on political influence but on the legal system and his own professional skills.

The dam had begun to crumble. By the end of 1961, Georgia Tech had admitted a black student. The new Atlanta airport had been desegregated. Stouffer’s new Top of the Mart restaurant had opened—desegregated.

The next two years saw a flood tide of legal actions and ripple effects sweeping away most local and state laws separating the races. City ordinances requiring segregation in public places and at public assemblies were invalidated. Agnes Scott College and Oglethorpe University accepted black students’ applications. Black policemen were granted authority to arrest whites. Grady Hospital appointed its first black intern.

By 1963 City Hall was desegregated. Fulton County had its first elected black senator in the General Assembly. There were 144 black students in ten previously white Atlanta high schools. The barrier between black and white real estate was literally removed when the Supreme Court ordered the dismantling of barriers called “racial buffers” on Peyton and Harlan Roads. The Atlanta Journal and Constitution removed racial classifications in the want ads and obituary columns.

The focus of the Civil Rights Movement shifted to the Federal level, not to repeal laws which required racial segregation but to enact laws which would prohibit discrimination and provide enforcement of that prohibition. The Fair Housing Act, the Voting Rights Act and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 addressed many areas of life—education, public services, political participation, community relations. The Civil Rights Act, however, directly addressed the issue of employment.

Hollowell never had thought of working for the government, but when he was recruited to establish a field office in Atlanta for the EEOC, created by the Civil Rights Act, he accepted. It was the only Federal agency set up to serve the individual claiming harm by discrimination.

Only through the EEOC did the law confer upon a Federal agency the right to file suit to redress grievances, and this new law, through this agency, would most directly affect the greatest number of individuals. For a lawyer who wanted to influence and make law, it was an ideal position.

It was Hollowell who sent to Washington discrimination charges from which grew landmark legal decisions, putting flesh on the bare bones legal statement that “it shall be an unlawful employment practice for an employer to discriminate in employment” because of race, creed, color, sex, religion or national origin. When a black man in North Carolina, Willie Griggs, filed a discrimination charge against Duke Power Company, Hollowell pursued the case to the Supreme Court. In Griggs vs. Duke Power, the Court ruled an employment qualification which tends to screen out more applicants of one race than another must be job-related and have some validity in predicting success on the job. That decision required realistic re-examination of qualifications for just about every job in the United States, including those in Federal, state and local governments.

Until 1972 the EEOC had no authority to take legal action in its own name. Amendments gave the Agency that authority. Hollowell’s Atlanta office was the first to go to Federal Court as plaintiff under the broader enforcement powers.

With typically careful understatement, Hollowell describes the atmosphere when he opened the EEOC Atlanta Regional Office: “There was a generally negative attitude in this region against government telling people how to conduct business.

“It was not always safe. In Birmingham an EEOC investigative team of black and white males had to run for their car. A white investigator in a textile plant where the secretary was the wife of the local police chief found himself locked up in jail for six hours. I recall driving down the highway with a white female staff member and having a big semi-tractor driven by a young white male try to force us off the highway. There were attempts at intimidation through Congressional offices, but I am happy to say that I found the Congressional investigations to be fair.”

The Civil Rights Movement today, Hollowell says, is “stagnated—but not without reason. You can’t stay at that high level of intensity exhibited in the Sixties. There must be a period of implementation, of developing strategies. We have made great strides in removing ostensible vestiges of discrimination, but right-thinking people, black and white, must be about the business of completing the job.

“The job is to achieve meaningful desegregation. In the Eighties, the emphasis will continue to be employment—that is critical—and also education, housing and certainly political education.”

The greatest strength of the civil rights movement in the Sixties was its exceptional leadership, says Hollowell, citing “the quality of the white leadership, the bond between the students, teachers and University officials in the black community, the cooperative relationship between young and mature civil rights activists.” He puts particular emphasis on Mayors Hartsfield and Allen, who were intent on trying to maintain an atmosphere in which the city could move forward. “It is to their credit that they were able to guide the city through what could have been a terrible time.”

The movement’s weaknesses, he reflects, were the inability of blacks to exert any political clout (Hollowell himself ran unsuccessfully for Superior Court judge in 1964), difficulty in “getting a coalescence on thought and action among all the different factions in the black community and, at times, the sheer numbers of persons involved.”

And there was real fear. In fact, Hollowell says, the tactic of non-violent civil disobedience (sitting in, “going limp”) grew out of recognition of violent reprisals. “There was no way for the movement to be a success through use of physical force. Nobody wanted to get hurt,” Hollowell says.

“Some were beaten and received other acts of physical violence, but most of those involved in demonstrations escaped without violence. The leaders of the movement were [philosophically] committed to non-violence and so could sell it as a particular way of accomplishing the goals.”

Louise Hollowell adds, “During the University of Georgia suit, I was just a little frightened.” But not for herself. “People were generally considerate of me personally. They would phone and say ‘Tell Mr. Hollowell to get you out of the house,’ that they were going to blow it up by midnight. When I got that call, I called the Police Chief [Herbert Jenkins], and he asked me, ‘Mrs. Hollowell, are you scared?’ I said, ‘Well, I am just a little frightened.’ He said they would send somebody out. For about two nights, they patrolled the house. Other than that, I never felt in any real danger.”

While not discounting the cost of her husband’s absences from home and his professional preoccupation, she doesn’t find the price was too high. “I have been very happy that he could make such a worthwhile contribution,” she insists. “There was so much to be done.”

Hollowell prefers not to characterize his feelings about his accomplishments as “pride” but rather “satisfaction.” His highest level of satisfaction, he insists, has come not from the far-reaching employment discrimination cases or even the history-making University of Georgia suit but in two criminal cases. In one, he successfully appealed the death sentence of a 15-year-old black youth. In the other, he gained the acquittal of Willie Nash, who had “confessed” to a crime after spending several hours in a wooded area with five carloads of police officers.

“The major change for me personally,”” reflects Hollowell, “is an inner peace, a peace that comes to people who have been relieved of the strain, the tension, the indignity of always having to decide if you can do this or that because of segregation laws. [There has been a] change in increased freedom of association, broadened flow of ideas, of viewing blacks—and women—as they move up into the business structure at all levels. Part of my life was trying to remove these shackles. It’s a state of mind that has changed. It’s the freedom to tackle a problem, void of that hard-case steel of segregation that always had to be gotten rid of before you could get to the problem.”

The priorities for the future, Hollowell believes, are increased political participation, better education for the masses and an increased “sense of history.” He says, however, there are pressing needs to find “ways to remove the scourge of drugs and limit the amount of crime.”

“If we fail in that at any point, we will have trouble in implementing rights. We are servants of the people, and only to the extent that we perform well, do we merit the opportunity to serve and lead.”

Follow Us

69,386FansLike
144,836FollowersFollow
493,480FollowersFollow

NEWSLETTERS